Magnificent Ivan (Ivan Pereverzev) This stately and handsome actor with the simple Russian name Ivan was for many years the personification of male strength and valor on the Soviet screen. Having started his career back in the Stalinist years, he carried this with dignity in the following decades.

Alexey Petrovich Tsvetkov Atlantic Diary

Dusko Petrovich What are the rules of etiquette in the artistic environment? Artists started breaking the rules quite a long time ago; after a while they were allowed to break them. This means that theoretically you could come to the wedding in wrinkled pants and use obscene language

RYBKIN IBN KHOTTAB The militants left Buinaksk “under the cover of the darkness of night,” as Comrade Panikovsky used to say. Behind them, according to the most recent data, were six dying tanks, twelve armored personnel carriers, and brightly blazing fuel trucks with 300 tons of fuel. Remained

Rustem Falyakhov

Presidential candidate Ivan Rybkin flew to London “for a conversation with Boris Berezovsky” and from there, via teleconference, he revealed the “truth” of his secret voyage to Ukraine. It turns out that they drugged him with tea and a sandwich and tried to blackmail him by recording something obscene on a videotape. “It was filmed by perverts,” was all Rybkin said about its contents. [...]

Rybkin and the miracle sandwich

Alexander Litvinenko: Rybkin was given the drug SP-117

Everything that happened to Rybkin indicates that the psychotropic drug SP-117 was used against him. The specified drug is used by the FSB in counterintelligence and counter-terrorism units, in exceptional cases against important targets.

In 1992, on the instructions of my superior, Colonel Ivanov ( last name changed, ed.) was preparing such an event against one of the leaders of the Chechen security service, who came incognito to Moscow for negotiations with colleagues from the FSB (then MB). I wrote out an assignment for holding this event in the name of one of the deputy heads of the Ministry of Bank of Russia. This event was held at the Rossiya Hotel, for which the Chechen was accommodated in a special room equipped with hidden video and audio recording, the so-called plus room, where there is stationary equipment and it is turned on according to the instructions of the operational unit.

The group for working with the Chechen included himself Ivanov, they asked questions to another operative and a doctor from the OTU MB of the Russian Federation, whose task was to use the drug SP-117 against the Chechen. ( Next, Litvinenko gives the address where the unit is located, whose task is the use of psychotropic drugs and their development, ed.)

The words Ivanova and an OTU employee, this device acts on the organ that in the human brain is responsible for controlling his behavior, that is, the one to whom it is applied is not able to fully control his consciousness and says everything he knows, that is, answers all questions frankly. You can do whatever you want to a person who is under the influence of SP-117, and after time passes, he will not be able to remember in detail and clearly explain what actually happened to him, who he met and what he said.

The drug consists of two components - “dot” and “antidote”.

Two drops of “pillbox” dissolve in a glass of any liquid (preferably in an alcoholic drink, since then all the consequences can be attributed to pathological intoxication). If the “object” drinks the contents of the glass, after about 15 minutes he finds himself in a deranged state and completely loses control over himself. This state of the “object” is used, as a rule, to obtain information from it, when it is known what kind of information needs to be obtained from it (for example, recognition of the commission of specific actions). The “object” can remain in this state for several hours, but it can be extended by periodically adding smaller doses of “dota”.

When the tasks posed in relation to the “object” are solved, he is given an “antidote”. The latter consists of two tablets, dissolved in water, tea, coffee. Ten minutes after the infusion of the “antidote”, the “object” returns to a completely normal state. Such a rapid withdrawal of the “object” from an insane state to a normal state almost completely erases from his memory everything that has happened to him since the moment he took the pillbox, that is, a complete memory failure occurs. The person feels broken, his legs and arms are “like cotton wool,” but there is no hangover.

If the “object” was under the influence of “dot” for several days, upon returning to a normal state, he may experience panic fear and shock, since it turns out that several days of his life are completely erased from his memory and he cannot understand what happened to him.

If the “antidote” is not used, then the “object” will come to its senses in a few hours, as after acute alcohol intoxication, with a feeling of hangover. At the same time, he can fragmentarily remember what happened to him and schematically restore the “connection of times.”

Alexander Litvinenko

Former Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of Russia in the CIS countries (since May 1998), Chairman of the Political Advisory Council under the President of the Russian Federation

Rybkin, Ivan Petrovich

Biography

graduated from the Volgograd Agricultural Institute in 1968, AON under the CPSU Central Committee in 1991, the Diplomatic Academy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation in 1993, Candidate of Technical Sciences, Doctor of Political Sciences, Professor;

1987-1991 - first secretary of the district committee, then second secretary of the Volgograd regional committee of the CPSU;

in 1990 he was elected as a deputy of the Volgograd Regional Council;

in 1991 - head of the department for relations with the Soviets of People's Deputies of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR;

1990-1993 - people's deputy, member of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation, chairman of the Communists of Russia faction; was elected as a deputy of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the first and second convocations; Chairman of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the first convocation since January 1994;

was a member of the International Affairs Committee in the State Duma of the second convocation, was vice-president of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe;

in May 1994, by presidential decree, he was introduced to the Security Council;

in October 1996, appointed Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Chechen Republic;

from October 1996 he was Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation;

in March 1998 he was appointed Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation for CIS Affairs (until the resignation of the entire government);

in the fall of 1991 he became one of the initiators of the creation of the Socialist Workers' Party (SPT) and was elected one of its 7 co-chairs;

in 1994 he joined the Agrarian Party of Russia (APR);

On June 8, 1995, he was elected chairman of the Association "Regions of Russia"; created the "Consent" movement;

at the beginning of April 1996, he founded and registered the Socialist Party of Russia (SPR), and was elected its chairman; published in magazines and various university collections, has over 70 publications on the reliability of agricultural machines (technical and economic aspects); author of more than 300 publications and books on politics and economics; author of the books “The State Duma: the fifth attempt”, “We are doomed to agreement”, “A safe world for Russia”, “Russia will find agreement”; married, has two daughters; loves to read fiction, is interested in agriculture, chess, and auto repair.

Signed an appeal to the Constitutional Court on the unconstitutionality of the decrees of the President of Russia of August 23 and 25, 1991 on the dissolution of the CPSU.

In September 1992, he sent a letter to Boris Yeltsin with a request to suspend their action until the decision of the Constitutional Court.

In February 1997, he stated that “Russia must be ready to use nuclear weapons in the event of direct aggression,” while making it clear that he considered the Soviet Union’s commitment not to use nuclear weapons under any circumstances to be a mistake.

(b. 10/20/1946)

V.V. Putin's failed rival at the presidential elections

elections of March 14, 2004

Born in the village of Semigorovka, Voronezh region. Education

received from the Volgograd Agricultural Institute (1968), in graduate school

this institute (1974), at the Academy of Social Sciences under the CPSU Central Committee (1991) and at

Diplomatic Academy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation (1993). Candidate of Technical Sciences, Doctor

political sciences, professor. In 1968–1969 senior engineer at one of

state farms of the Volgograd region. In 1969–1970 served in the Soviet army.

Until 1987 at the Volgograd Agricultural Institute: assistant,

Senior Lecturer, Associate Professor, Head of the Department of Mechanization and Automation

Livestock Husbandry, Deputy Dean of the Faculty of Mechanics, since 1983

secretary of the institute's party committee. In 1987–1991 first secretary of the Soviet

district committee of Volgograd, then second secretary of the Volgograd regional committee of the CPSU. WITH

June 1991, head of the department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR for relations with the Soviets

people's deputies. In 1991–1993 people's deputy, member of the Supreme

Council of the Russian Federation, Chairman of the Communists of Russia faction. From October 1991 to

June 1993 one of the seven co-chairs of the Socialist Party

workers. Signed an appeal to the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation about unconstitutionality

presidential decrees B. N. Yeltsin about the dissolution of the CPSU. In September 1992

sent a letter to B. N. Yeltsin with a request to suspend their action until a decision is made

Constitutional Court. In February 1993, at the restoration congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation

was elected to the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, at the first plenum - deputy chairman

Central Election Commission. After this he left the Socialist Working People's Party (reinstated in

June 1994). Since the fall of 1993, member of the Agrarian Party of Russia (APR),

expelled from it in 1995. After the events of October 1993, Deputy

Head of the Main Directorate of Water Management of the Ministry of Agriculture

farms of the Russian Federation. Deputy of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the first

(1993–1995) and second (1995–1999) convocations. Elected to the State Duma of the first convocation

according to the list of the APR, to the State Duma of the second convocation according to the list of the “Ivan Rybkin Bloc”.

Chairman of the State Duma of the first convocation from January 15, 1994 to

December 1995 Nominated for this position by the APR faction. As a result

In April 1994, he left the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. At the same time he was elected chairman

association "Regions of Russia". In July 1995, on behalf of B. N. Yeltsin

created and led a center-left election bloc (“Ivan’s Bloc”

Rybkin"). In the elections to the State Duma the bloc received only 1.1%

State Duma of the second convocation was an independent deputy and member of the Committee on

international affairs. He ran for the post of Chairman of the State Duma, but

was not elected. In April 1996 he founded and registered the Socialist

Russian party. A week before the second round of voting in the presidential election

B. N. Yeltsin abolished the Public Chamber under the President of the Russian Federation and formed

Political Advisory Council headed by I. P. Rybkin. From October

1996 Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. In 1997 he was personal

representative of the President of the Russian Federation B. N. Yeltsin at the inauguration of the President of the Chechen Republic

Republic A. A. Maskhadov. Was strongly influenced B.A.

Berezovsky, who, having Russian and Israeli citizenship, became deputy

I. P. Rybkin and used it as a convenient tool for his political

manipulation. From 03/01/1998 he was deputy chairman for several days

Government of the Russian Federation in government V. S. Chernomyrdina(total resignation

composition of the cabinet). Nominated at the insistence of B. A. Berezovsky. Supervised questions

CIS and relations with the Chechen Republic. From May 14, 1998 to 2000

Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the CIS countries with the rank of Deputy Prime Minister.

Demonstrated the highest devotion to B.N. Yeltsin. In 1998, without waiting

conclusions of the Constitutional Court, was the first to say that B. N. Yeltsin could

run for president for a third term. At the beginning of 1999 he announced it

“a symbol of the unification of Russia and Belarus” and proposed electing President

Union of Russia and Belarus. In 2000, with the arrival of V.V. Putin to the post

President of the Russian Federation, the Political Advisory Council under the President was abolished

RF, headed by I.P. Rybkin. In April 2002 he was summoned to

General Prosecutor's Office of the Russian Federation for a conversation about his activities as secretary

Security Council of the Russian Federation. The investigation was interested in the circumstances surrounding

preparation and signing of a peace treaty between Russia and Chechnya in

letter to President V.V. Putin, where he spoke out against the “perversion of the role of Alexander

Lebed in achieving peace" in Chechnya and "labeling Boris Berezovsky

“supporter of terrorists,” and also proposed starting peace negotiations with “legally

elected President of the Chechen Republic Aslan Maskhadov." Characterizes his views as

socialist and social-democratic. 04/14/2003 Second

the congress of the Socialist United Party of Russia unanimously deprived I. P. Rybkin

membership in it for “defamatory ties with Boris Berezovsky.” 07/07/2003

members of the Liberal Russia party from among supporters of B. A. Berezovsky

delegated the powers of party leader to I.P. Rybkin. Over the course of several years I visited

leadership of five parties (Communist Party of the RSFSR, Socialist Workers' Party,

Communist Party of the Russian Federation, APR, Socialist Party of Russia). There was a time when he was

leadership simultaneously of three political structures that had different

political goals and those who were not part of the coalition. At the end of December 2003

nominated by an initiative group of 700 representatives from 60 regions for the post

“Putin has no right to power in Russia,” where he argued that “the actions

President Putin and his inner circle should be regarded by society as

state crimes”, accused the authorities of “actual destruction

Constitution,” the outbreak of war in Chechnya and the authorities’ attempts to “intimidate us all.”

Called V.V. Putin “the largest oligarch in Russia,” as well as the names of people

who, in his opinion, are “responsible for Putin’s business.” 02/05/2004 after

21.30 disappeared. On 02/08/2004, his wife Albina Nikolaevna filed a complaint with the Department of Internal Affairs

"Arbat" statement about the search for the missing candidate for President of the Russian Federation. On the same day

The Moscow City Internal Affairs Directorate opened an investigation into this fact. 02/10/2004 found in

Kyiv. Called the head of my campaign headquarters K. Yu. Ponomareva and said that he “had a pleasant four days in Kyiv” and did not understand the reason

the hype raised around his person. “I didn’t disappear anywhere, I bought a newspaper and was

amazed". On the same day he arrived in Moscow. The next day I went to London. Gave

confusing explanations for what happened. 02/19/2004 The Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation banned

him to participate in free television debates through a teleconference (I. P. Rybkin

remained in London), considering that this would “create unequal conditions for others

candidates." 03/05/2004, returning after a three-week absence from

London, withdrew his candidacy from registration for the position of candidate in

Presidents of the Russian Federation. He stated that he “no longer intends to participate in the farce and run away like

a hare in front of the presidential locomotive." In January 2006 I went to London

Ivan Rybkin is determined to fight against the “imperious dullness.”
Photo by Alexander Shalgin (NG photo)

Five questions for Ivan Rybkin

I. Why are you against Vladimir Putin?

I am against Vladimir Putin because he is not a master of his word. For four years, he has not fulfilled a single promise that he made when he was elected to the post of head of state. Putin is returning the country to the path that already destroyed the USSR and is now destroying Russia.

Where is the quick victory in Chechnya, the promise of which brought Putin to the Kremlin? It does not exist and cannot exist: national problems cannot be solved by force. There are thousands of killed Russians and Chechens, hundreds of thousands of war-torn destinies. The number of victims of the new Chechen war is already greater than in the first adventure of 1994–1996.

Where is the greatness and national dignity of Russia? Is it really in the cries of notorious Kremlin buffoons or in the ravings of militant nationalists? It is exchanged like small coin for Putin’s self-affirmation in the so-called club of the powerful. In Central Asia, the Caucasus, and Transnistria, millions of Russians are left to the mercy of fate. Amid loud statements about the inviolability of borders, Kaliningrad is cut off from the country. Few people in the world are interested in Russia's opinion.

Where is the updated army? Soldiers and officers are in poverty.

Where is the freedom and justice, the “dictatorship of law” that Putin loves to talk about? There is none of them. There are, on the one hand, poor, powerless people, on the other, fattening officials and oligarchs divided into loved and unloved. The recently acquired freedom of speech, freedom to choose power, freedom of political and economic competition are being destroyed. The authorities defame their opponents and expose them as criminals. Blackmail, murder, and exile became the main weapons in the fight against independent, free people. Last year, Russia became the world leader in the number of citizens forced to humiliate themselves and ask for political asylum in other countries. There are tens of thousands of them. Puppet television talks about the fight against corruption and crime, but in reality the country is being overwhelmed by extortions from officials and terror.

Where is the promised economic prosperity? Why are petrodollars flowing into Russia, and the number of poor people is growing rapidly? Why do people freeze from the cold in winter in a country rich in energy resources? Why is the level of education in the country catastrophically falling? Why are there more and more sick people who have lost their last hope for medical help? Amid loud statements about economic growth, Russia continues to rapidly die out. The showcases of Russian capitalism – Moscow and St. Petersburg – are becoming increasingly disconnected from the life of the rest of Russia.

Where is the revival of Russian statehood? Her heart was pierced by Putin’s “vertical of power.” The Federation Council, an institution for coordinating the key political and economic interests of Russian regions, has been destroyed. The State Duma has ceased to be the spokesman of the will of the people. The courts have been turned into an appendage of the executive branch. Independent media have been liquidated. The FSB, the prosecutor's office, the Ministry of Internal Affairs are doing arbitrariness.

All these years the very right to life has been trampled underfoot. What can we say about other constitutional rights and freedoms? “You can’t live like that,” said one director. I will add: I don’t want to live like this. I don’t want the domineering grayness to continue to turn the country, my and your hopes, my and your life into dust.

Rybkin's list: top ten. Of the proposed appointments to major government positions

II. What are the main ideological and political views of Ivan Rybkin?

Faith, education and work are the foundations of the spiritual revival of the nation and the freedom of Russian citizens.

The state is for the person, not the person for the state.

Freedom to choose for yourself, not decisions from above.

Freedom of the regions, not the dictatorship of the Center.

Restoring and expanding Russia's influence in the world for the purpose of economic and political gain.

III. What obligations does Ivan Rybkin take?

(The provisions of this section, which have an exact chronological reference, are summarized for clarity in Table 1. - “NG”.)

All economic reforms will be exclusively market in nature. Socially oriented projects will have an advantage over others.

Russia's foreign policy will be based on two main principles: Russia's interests are higher than the interests of any other country; control without grip instead of grip without control. The main foreign policy task is to restore and expand influence throughout the post-Soviet space. Russia will become a home for residents of the entire former Union.

IV. How will Ivan Rybkin fulfill his obligations?

“Personnel decides everything!” Therefore, this question can only be answered by presenting to voters the leaders of the main government institutions and state monopolies, whom President Ivan Rybkin will recommend and support.

(The list of candidates for the most important government positions is presented in Table 2. - “NG”.)

V. Guarantees of fulfillment of obligations by Ivan Rybkin

Only the restoration of the Constitution of the Russian Federation can serve as a guarantee of fulfillment of the obligations of the President of the Russian Federation.

Therefore, the guarantor of the fulfillment of the president’s obligations can only be the will of the people of Russia to strict observance of the Constitution of the Russian Federation by the president.

table 2