A military clash arose here, since the vast majority of the inhabitants inhabiting the area have Armenian roots. The essence of the conflict is that Azerbaijan makes well-founded demands on this territory, but the inhabitants of the region gravitate more towards Armenia. On May 12, 1994, Azerbaijan, Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh ratified a protocol establishing a truce, resulting in an unconditional ceasefire in the conflict zone.
Excursion into history
Armenian historical sources claim that Artsakh (the ancient Armenian name) was first mentioned in the 8th century BC. If you believe these sources, then Nagorno-Karabakh was part of Armenia back in the early Middle Ages. As a result of the wars of conquest between Turkey and Iran in this era, a significant part of Armenia came under the control of these countries. The Armenian principalities, or melikties, at that time located on the territory of modern Karabakh, retained a semi-independent status.
Azerbaijan takes its own point of view on this issue. According to local researchers, Karabakh is one of the most ancient historical regions of their country. The word “Karabakh” in Azerbaijani is translated as follows: “gara” means black, and “bagh” means garden. Already in the 16th century, together with other provinces, Karabakh was part of the Safavid state, and after that it became an independent khanate.
Nagorno-Karabakh during the Russian Empire
In 1805, the Karabakh Khanate was subordinated to the Russian Empire, and in 1813, according to the Gulistan Peace Treaty, Nagorno-Karabakh also became part of Russia. Then, according to the Turkmenchay Treaty, as well as the agreement concluded in the city of Edirne, Armenians were resettled from Turkey and Iran and settled in the territories of Northern Azerbaijan, including Karabakh. Thus, the population of these lands is predominantly of Armenian origin.
As part of the USSR
In 1918, the newly created Azerbaijan Democratic Republic gained control over Karabakh. Almost simultaneously, the Armenian Republic makes claims to this area, but the ADR made these claims. In 1921, the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh with the rights of broad autonomy was included in the Azerbaijan SSR. After another two years, Karabakh receives the status of (NKAO).
In 1988, the Council of Deputies of the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Okrug petitioned the authorities of the AzSSR and Armenian SSR republics and proposed to transfer the disputed territory to Armenia. was not satisfied, as a result of which a wave of protest swept through the cities of the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Okrug. Demonstrations of solidarity were also held in Yerevan.
Declaration of Independence
In the early autumn of 1991, when the Soviet Union had already begun to fall apart, the NKAO adopted a Declaration proclaiming the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic. Moreover, in addition to the NKAO, it included part of the territories of the former AzSSR. According to the results of a referendum held on December 10 of the same year in Nagorno-Karabakh, more than 99% of the region's population voted for complete independence from Azerbaijan.
It is quite obvious that the Azerbaijani authorities did not recognize this referendum, and the act of proclamation itself was designated as illegal. Moreover, Baku decided to abolish the autonomy of Karabakh, which it enjoyed during Soviet times. However, the destructive process has already been launched.
Karabakh conflict
Armenian troops stood up for the independence of the self-proclaimed republic, which Azerbaijan tried to resist. Nagorno-Karabakh received support from official Yerevan, as well as from the national diaspora in other countries, so the militia managed to defend the region. However, the Azerbaijani authorities still managed to establish control over several areas that were initially declared part of the NKR.
Each of the warring parties provides its own statistics of losses in the Karabakh conflict. Comparing these data, we can conclude that during the three years of the showdown, 15-25 thousand people died. At least 25 thousand were wounded, and more than 100 thousand civilians were forced to leave their places of residence.
Peaceful settlement
Negotiations, during which the parties tried to resolve the conflict peacefully, began almost immediately after the independent NKR was proclaimed. For example, on September 23, 1991, a meeting was held, which was attended by the presidents of Azerbaijan, Armenia, as well as Russia and Kazakhstan. In the spring of 1992, the OSCE established a group to resolve the Karabakh conflict.
Despite all the efforts of the international community to stop the bloodshed, a ceasefire was achieved only in the spring of 1994. On May 5, the Bishkek Protocol was signed, after which the participants ceased fire a week later.
The parties to the conflict were unable to agree on the final status of Nagorno-Karabakh. Azerbaijan demands respect for its sovereignty and insists on maintaining territorial integrity. The interests of the self-proclaimed republic are protected by Armenia. Nagorno-Karabakh stands for a peaceful resolution of controversial issues, while the authorities of the republic emphasize that NKR is capable of standing up for its independence.
Arif YUNUSOV
Candidate of Historical Sciences, Head of the Department of Conflictology and Migration, Institute of Peace and Democracy of Azerbaijan.
Instead of a preface
This February marked the 10th anniversary of the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict, better known to the world as the “Karabakh war”. This confrontation between two neighboring peoples, living side by side for centuries, marked the beginning of ethnic conflicts in the territory of the former USSR and is now regarded not only as the most protracted, but also complex in the region, the solution of which will clearly not be found soon.
A lot has been written and spoken about this conflict. But mostly articles and studies are devoted to the history and nature of the events taking place. The purpose of this work is different - to determine the cost of this conflict, to identify the changes that have occurred over 10 years in the fate of the peoples of Azerbaijan and Armenia.
For a better understanding of certain data, as well as migration and demographic processes, an analysis of the losses of the parties and the changes that have occurred is given in chronological order. It is taken into account that not every figure given at different times of the conflict, especially at the official level, can be trusted.
Sources
This study draws on a diverse range of sources. These include numerous materials and documents that I received back in 1988-1990. from the Prosecutor's Office and the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR in connection with deportations and pogroms in both republics, as well as personal meetings and conversations with refugees during that period. The materials of the State Committees on Statistics (Goskomstat) of Azerbaijan and Armenia in 1989-1998 were widely used. and other official documents of the conflicting parties. A large number of materials from human rights and international organizations were also used (Helsinki Watch, Amnesty International, Memorial, UN, International Organization for Migration, Red Cross, etc.) and, of course, press information and research on this conflict, appeared over the years.
Preliminary statistics
Judging by the last Soviet census, conducted on January 12, 1989, then 7 million 21 thousand people lived in Azerbaijan, of which 5 million 805 thousand people were Azerbaijanis. (83% of the population), and Armenians - 391 thousand (5.6%). At the same time, 189 thousand people were registered in the NKAO according to the census. (about 3% of the population of the republic), of which 145 thousand are Armenians (77% of the region’s population), and 41 thousand are Azerbaijanis (22% of the region’s population).
According to the 1989 census, 3 million 305 thousand people lived in Armenia, of which 3 million 84 thousand people were Armenians (93% of the population of the republic), and only 85 thousand Azerbaijanis. (about 3%).
However, the reliability of these figures was already in great doubt, since the census was carried out in extreme conditions a year after the start of the conflict. During this time, pogroms and deportations had already taken place in both republics, which naturally affected the census results. Thus, in Armenia in 1989, according to the census, there were about 85 thousand Azerbaijanis. Meanwhile, the 1979 census recorded a different figure - 161 thousand (5% of the republic's population). Therefore, it is more realistic to take as a basis the data of the State Statistics Committee of Azerbaijan, which registered 186 thousand Azerbaijanis expelled from Armenia.
The number of Armenians in Azerbaijan according to the 1989 census also decreased noticeably, so the data of 1979 should probably be taken as a basis - 475 thousand people. (8% of the republic’s population), or the number of registered refugees. And the figures for NKAO are even more suspicious. Censuses 1939, 1959, 1970 and 1979 clearly record the reduction in the number of Armenians in the region in percentage terms from 88% to 76%, respectively. And the 1989 census increases the number of Armenians here to 77%. That is why in Azerbaijan, not trusting the data of the 1989 census, in October 1990 they conducted a repeat census in 51 cities and villages of NKAO populated by Azerbaijanis. It turned out that there are not 41, but 46 thousand Azerbaijanis in the region. (24%), and taking into account representatives of other nationalities, 47 thousand people lived in NKAO.
Beginning of the conflict
Officially, the beginning of the Karabakh conflict dates back to February 20, 1988, when a session of the Council of People's Deputies of the NKAO decided to annex the region to Armenia. But in fact, the confrontation began in the spring of 1986, when in Armenia and NKAO they began to collect signatures from the Armenian population and organize the sending of hundreds of letters and telegrams to Moscow with a request to consider the problem of Nagorno-Karabakh. And in October 1987, the first demonstrations took place in Yerevan.
As events developed in Armenia, the situation of the Azerbaijanis here began to noticeably deteriorate. At the end of 1987, in the second year of “perestroika,” Azerbaijan was the first among the former Soviet republics to face the problem of refugees and population migration - the first hundreds of Azerbaijanis fled here from Armenia, mainly from the Kafan, as well as the Sisian and Meghri regions of the republic. By January 25, 1988, their number exceeded 4 thousand people.
On instructions from Moscow, the Azerbaijani authorities hid this fact from the public and tried to quickly accommodate the arriving refugees near Sumgayit, mainly in the villages of Fatmai and Saray.
On February 14, the first rallies began in Stepanakert, and already on September 18, a new wave of Azerbaijani refugees appeared in Baku, now from the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Okrug, mainly from Stepanakert. And on February 22, the first blood was shed: in the area of the village. Askeran there was a clash between the parties, as a result of which two Azerbaijanis died - Ali Hajiyev and Bakhtiyar Guliyev. They opened an account for the victims of the Karabakh conflict.
On the evening of February 27, beatings of Armenians began in Sumgait, which on February 28-29 escalated into pogroms, stopped by special forces and police only by March 1. Result: 26 Armenians and 6 Azerbaijanis were killed, about 130 residents were wounded (of which 54 Azerbaijanis and 34 Armenians) and 275 military personnel and police officers.
After these events, both then Soviet republics were overwhelmed by waves of refugees who, fleeing real or expected violence, hastily left their homes. It is believed that the events were largely uncontrollable and developed spontaneously. Violence was followed by counter-violence, all at the hands of the refugees themselves. However, this was not entirely true, as there is a lot of evidence. Suffice it to give this example: at a rally on November 4, 1988 in Yerevan, activist of the Karabakh movement R. Kazaryan directly called “with the help of detachments” that were created in advance “to ensure emigration in every possible way. For the first time in these decades, we have been given a unique opportunity to cleanse (as in the text ! - A. Yu.) Armenia. I consider this the greatest achievement of our struggle over these ten months."
In Armenia, the main events unfolded on November 27, 1988, when organized attacks on villages of Azerbaijanis and Muslim Kurds took place, leading to numerous casualties. Even the terrible earthquake on December 7 did not stop the pogroms in Armenia. The last Azerbaijani that year was killed on December 12. Many Azerbaijanis died while fleeing Armenia through snowy passes. In total, 188 Azerbaijanis and Kurds died in Armenia in 1988.
And in Azerbaijan, the most serious incident occurred in Ganja, where on November 24 a crowd of Azerbaijanis broke into the Armenian district of the city and many Armenians (officially one) were killed and injured. There were also numerous cases of attacks on Armenians in other localities of Azerbaijan, but no deaths were reported.
In 1989, the epicenter of the clashes moved to the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Okrug, where both sides attacked each other, many with fatal results, as well as terrorist attacks. And all this against the background of the ongoing deportation of the population from both republics.
Also in 1989, the first thousands of Meskhetian Turks appeared in Azerbaijan, fleeing Uzbekistan to escape the pogroms. By mid-1992, the State Statistics Committee of Azerbaijan registered about 52 thousand Meskhetian Turks as refugees, the vast majority settled in rural areas of the republic.
At the beginning of January 1990, first in the Khanlar region of Azerbaijan, and then almost along the entire Armenian-Azerbaijani border, clashes between the warring parties using firearms began. And on January 13-15, pogroms of Armenians took place in Baku, as a result of which 66 Armenians and 2 Azerbaijanis died. Another 20 Armenians, according to the Armenian press, later died from their wounds in Yerevan hospitals. About 300 Armenians were wounded.
The result of all of the above, according to the State Statistics Committee of Azerbaijan and Armenia of that period: by the beginning of February 1990, all 186 thousand Azerbaijanis, as well as 11 thousand Kurds and 3.5 thousand Russians fled from Armenia to Azerbaijan, and a little later some of them, Mostly Russians and some Kurds moved to Russia. In mid-1990, the State Statistics Committee of Azerbaijan registered 233 thousand refugees from Armenia and Uzbekistan in the republic.
In turn, during the same period, 229 thousand Armenians fled from Azerbaijan to Armenia, and about 100 thousand moved to other regions of the USSR, mainly to Russia. After the January events of 1990, 108 thousand Russians left Azerbaijan. At the same time, during the pogroms in 1988-1990. In both republics, 216 Azerbaijanis and 119 Armenians were killed. And in NKAO and around it in the same years, 91 Azerbaijanis and 85 Armenians died.
Armenian-Azerbaijani war in 1991-1994.
The collapse of the USSR and the declaration of independence in 1991 by Azerbaijan and Armenia moved the Karabakh conflict into the stage of international confrontation between the two states. In the fall of 1991, the Armenian armed forces launched an offensive and by the summer of 1992 expelled the entire local Azerbaijani and Kurdish population from Nagorno-Karabakh and the adjacent Lachin region, who joined the army of refugees, but as internally displaced persons. The number of the latter was not stable and in 1992, according to the Republican State Statistics Committee, fluctuated between 212-220 thousand people.
In turn, during the summer offensive of Azerbaijani troops in 1992, almost the entire Armenian population of the Khanlar and former Shaumyan districts (with the exception of mixed families), as well as Nagorno-Karabakh (in total - about 40 thousand people) joined the army of refugees from Azerbaijan in Armenia . At that time, about 50 thousand Armenians were added to them - internally displaced persons from the regions bordering Azerbaijan who found themselves in the combat zone.
The year 1992 went down in the history of the Armenian-Azerbaijani war as the year of massive use by both sides of hundreds of armored vehicles, as well as aviation and artillery, which sharply increased the number of losses of the parties. Moreover, the vast majority of losses that year fell on military personnel. That year, Azerbaijan lost 3,300 people killed, more than 2 thousand of them were military personnel, and the Armenians lost about 1 thousand soldiers and officers and 1.5 thousand civilians.
The situation with refugees and population migration as a result of the conflict changed dramatically in 1993. The almost continuous offensive of Armenian troops and the chaos in the political life of Azerbaijan led to the occupation by the end of 1993 of 6 more regions outside the territory of the former Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Okrug. As a result, a massive flow of internally displaced persons poured from the occupied areas into the interior of Azerbaijan. This flow of people from the interior regions of Azerbaijan was so avalanche-like and continuous that it sharply aggravated the socio-economic situation in the republic. Especially many internally displaced persons have accumulated in the south of the country, mainly along the border with Iran in the area of the cities of Imishli, Sabirabad and Saatli. Fearing a social explosion, the Azerbaijani authorities in August 1993 even blocked all roads from the combat zone to Baku and other major cities of the country. In turn, the appearance of a significant number of refugees near the northern border of Iran, where mainly Azerbaijanis live, greatly alarmed official Tehran. At the same time, the Iranian authorities quickly agreed to set up tent camps for 100 thousand people. around Imishli, Saatli and Sabirabad.
Turkey, and after them Saudi Arabia, were not slow to follow the example of Iran, and in the fall of 1993, refugee camps appeared near the cities of Barda and Agjabadi. This is how the first camps appeared, tents for the internally displaced people of Azerbaijan, built by Iranians, Turks and Arabs. But soon the initiative was seized by international, mainly Western humanitarian organizations, which built in 1994-1997. not only numerous camps, but also settlements for internally displaced persons.
It should also be said here that the flow of refugees from the interior regions of the republic in 1993 greatly complicated the work of the State Statistics Committee and other authorities in working with refugees. Constant migration throughout all regions of the republic, their registration in several places at once, as well as the chaos and crisis of power during that period affected the registration of forced migrants. If after the occupation of the Kelbajar region in early April 1993, 243 thousand internally displaced persons were officially registered, then by the beginning of December of the same year, the State Statistics Committee already recorded almost 779 thousand internally displaced persons. That is, over 7 months the number of internally displaced persons increased by more than 535 thousand people. Based on these data, the Azerbaijani government then announced the occupation of 20% of the territory of the republic and the presence of more than 1 million refugees and internally displaced persons in the country.
The signing of a truce in May 1994 allowed the Azerbaijani authorities to stabilize the situation in the republic and, in general, take control of the situation with internally displaced persons, which immediately affected the accounting of the latter. The number of forced migrants was falling all the time, and on January 1, 1998, the State Statistics Committee cited new figures for forced migrants - 620 thousand people. Thus, according to official data, a total of 853 thousand refugees and internally displaced persons (11% of the republic’s population) are registered in Azerbaijan today, taking into account those who previously arrived from Armenia and Uzbekistan. However, these data also raise doubts among many international humanitarian and public organizations, because even according to official data, as of January 1, 1992, about 480 thousand people lived or were registered in the former NKAO and in the territory of 7 occupied regions. Taking into account part of the population along the border with Armenia, who also left their homes, the actual number of internally displaced persons should be no more than 520 thousand people.
Resettlement and national composition of forced migrants
The 620 thousand internally displaced persons officially registered in Azerbaijan (8% of the republic’s population) are divided into those who live in 28 camps and villages (more than 90 thousand people); those who settled in public buildings (about 300 thousand people) and those who were assigned to ordinary housing conditions (about 230 thousand people).
Geographically, 53% of internally displaced persons live in cities, mainly in Baku, Sumgait, Ganja and Mingachevir. Regionally, they settled mainly in two zones: in and around the capital, as well as in the center of the country along the Armenian-Azerbaijani front line from the city of Ganja to the city of Saatli.
The vast majority of internally displaced persons (99%) are Azerbaijanis. Next in number are the Kurds - more than 5 thousand people. Moreover, in 1993-1994. almost 45% of Kurds fled from Nagorno-Karabakh to Baku. However, as the situation stabilized, a significant part of the Kurds, especially from the Lachin region, moved to Karabakh in the Agjabadi region, where 73% of all Kurdish refugees now live.
The share of other peoples (Russians, Meskhetian Turks, etc.) among the internally displaced persons of Azerbaijan is very small.
Life of refugees and internally displaced persons in Azerbaijan
Behind all the above figures is the pain and suffering of a huge mass of people, regardless of nationality, faith and current place of residence. Needless to say, today refugees are the most vulnerable group of the population, with their own specific problems. Almost all of them are victims or witnesses of violence during hostilities, forced to leave their homes under pain of death. All this left a serious imprint on their psyche, and even after several years, many of them suffer from mental illness or need help from doctors.
Special living conditions for those refugees who live in camps today. Living at the expense of humanitarian aid has led to the appearance of a dependence syndrome in them, and any information about the cessation of this assistance causes them to panic and can even provoke unrest. Similar facts already occurred at the end of 1996, when a number of humanitarian organizations ceased their activities in Azerbaijan. In addition, camp life has its own specifics. Firstly, there is social, cultural and everyday disorder. In the camps, very often built without taking into account the mentality and previous living conditions of refugees, people are settled, sometimes very different from each other in terms of education, traditions, and professional training. In conditions of heavy dependence on external assistance, this often leads to conflicts and clashes of interests. It is especially difficult for women and girls, whose problems are practically not taken into account by both the authorities and humanitarian organizations when building camps and distributing aid. All this has caused a serious crisis in many refugee families: men are busy unsuccessfully searching for work and living outside the home for months, some women secretly earn their livelihood through prostitution, and children do not always attend school due to the high cost of textbooks and school clothes. The above has already led to the fact that the current conditions have made refugees and internally displaced persons a breeding ground for crime in Azerbaijan and created a threat to the gene pool of the nation.
Quite a lot has been written about these and other problems of refugees and their needs in general. Much less is known about the reaction to their appearance in Azerbaijani society, which also influenced the psyche and mentality of refugees.
At the first stage, in 1988-1990. the population reacted sympathetically to the refugees. This was especially true for the Meskhetian Turks. Being rural people by nature, the Turks in Azerbaijan also settled in rural areas remote from the capital, where, with the support and friendly attitude of the local population, they quickly adapted to new living conditions, while maintaining their former way of life.
The attitude towards refugees from Armenia was somewhat different, especially from the authorities. More dependent and almost entirely reliant on Moscow, the then leadership of Azerbaijan sought to return refugees from Armenia to their former places of residence. In 1988, Azerbaijani refugees had many conflicts with local authorities, especially the police.
By the end of 1989, refugees from Armenia began to have friction with the local population, primarily in Baku. The fact is that the overwhelming majority of refugees from Armenia are residents of rural areas. But unlike the Meskhetian Turks and despite the obstacles of the authorities, the majority of refugees from Armenia settled in the capital, as well as Sumgait and Ganja. Here they constantly began to have conflicts with local Armenians, which later resulted, with the connivance of the authorities, in pogroms in these cities.
Following this, refugees from Armenia began to have problems with urban Azerbaijanis. Being representatives of a rural culture, refugees from Armenia needed time to adapt to new urban conditions. But they did not have time, besides, the housing problem was acute and conflicts with the authorities almost constantly occurred. The emotional state of the refugees was understandable. But their aggressiveness, the desire to impose their rules and habits on the townspeople very soon aroused hostility among the latter, especially noticeable in the capital, where from now on the negative nickname “eraz” (Yerevan Azerbaijanis) was attached to refugees from Armenia.
The negative attitude towards refugees in society was so strong that, in fact, it automatically transferred to internally displaced persons from Karabakh. This is largely explained by the fact that forced migrants, in conditions of an acute socio-economic crisis in the republic, although unwittingly, became competitors with the local population, who were also searching for a means of subsistence. Even the Meskhetian Turks were affected. In 1997, several conflicts between internally displaced persons and Meskhetian Turks were noted. It is not by chance that the number of Meskhetian Turk refugees from Uzbekistan has decreased. According to the State Statistics Committee of Azerbaijan as of June 1997, 29 thousand Turkish refugees now live in the republic, that is, 44% of the number who previously arrived in Azerbaijan from Uzbekistan in 1993-1997. left the country.
Migration process in 1993-1997.
The truce on the Armenian-Azerbaijani front stopped the flow of refugees from the combat zone inside the republic, but has now noticeably increased outside the republic.
Actually, this process has been going on before. Along with the Armenians in 1988-1990. A large number of citizens of non-titular nationality left the republic. Particularly strong changes occurred with the Slavic peoples, primarily the Russians. According to official data from the Azerbaijani authorities, after 1989, 169 thousand Russians, 15 thousand Ukrainians and 3 thousand Belarusians left the republic. True, the Russian side, in particular the Russian Embassy in Azerbaijan, believes that in fact more than 220 thousand Russians left Azerbaijan, and about 180 thousand people remained. At the same time, the bulk of Russians left in 1990-1992. due to the unstable political situation in the republic. Subsequently, the outflow of Russians from here decreased noticeably and now, annually, according to the Russian Embassy in Azerbaijan, up to 10 thousand people leave the republic for permanent residence in Russia. and not all of them are Russian by origin. At the same time, the migration of Russians and other citizens of non-titular nationality from Azerbaijan is now based on socio-economic reasons.
After the cessation of hostilities, the predominance of Azerbaijanis became noticeable among those traveling outside the republic. Actually, the departure of Azerbaijanis from the country since the beginning of the Karabakh conflict has happened before: in 1988-1990. tens of thousands of so-called “Russian-speaking” Azerbaijanis, mostly residents of Baku, emigrated to Russia (officially, the Russian Migration Service registered only 8 thousand Azerbaijanis as refugees in 1993). The main reason for their departure was the unstable political situation, fear for their future as the positions of radical national-patriotic forces strengthened and the number of refugee villagers increased.
As hostilities intensified in 1992-1993. It was no longer only “Russian-speaking” Azerbaijanis who began to travel outside the republic.
After the 1994 truce, the flow of Azerbaijanis leaving their borders became downright threatening. At the same time, the number of refugees and internally displaced persons has now noticeably increased among migrants. This was real labor migration. Unable to find work in Azerbaijan, they began to go to work, mainly in Russia, as well as in other CIS republics. Many refugees and internally displaced persons left for Turkey and Iran.
At the same time, representatives of the national intelligentsia, scientists and cultural figures first went to Turkey. But subsequently, especially in recent years, among migrants to Turkey there have been noticeably more people from the Nakhchevan Autonomous Republic and refugees living there. As a rule, residents from the southern border regions leave for Iran. Azerbaijanis usually work in these countries in the service sector, on construction sites, as well as as porters and shepherds.
The fact that when leaving the country in search of a livelihood from all countries of the world, including the CIS republics, Azerbaijanis give preference to Russia is easily explained. There are many reasons: the country is neighboring and well known, Russians are in first place in terms of the number of mixed marriages, there is no language barrier - almost all northern Azerbaijanis know Russian. The economic factor also played a significant role: after all, by the end of the 70s and the beginning of the 80s, that is, on the eve of the fall of the USSR, Azerbaijanis secretly controlled almost 80% of the Soviet flower business, which annually brought in a gigantic income for those times of 2 billion rubles. As a result of the flourishing of the flower business in Azerbaijan, a fairly influential and stable layer of entrepreneurs (mainly residents of Baku and the Absheron Peninsula) was formed, focused on the Russian market.
Even the deterioration of the attitude of Russians towards Azerbaijanis after the collapse of the USSR and the discriminatory actions of the Russian authorities, primarily Moscow, did not stop the flow of Azerbaijani citizens arriving here. At the same time, the departure of the overwhelming majority of citizens is practically not recorded by the authorities of the republic, because many of them leave without being deregistered and they live in Russia, as well as in the CIS countries, illegally. At the same time, today the majority of those leaving are refugees and internally displaced persons, mostly men aged 20-40, who work illegally for months, and many for years. This circumstance makes it very difficult to keep accurate records of those who emigrated from Azerbaijan to Russia and other CIS republics. Therefore, the data given in the press is quite approximate.
According to the Azerbaijani press, in 1991-1997. More than 1.5 million people left the republic for Russia, and today, according to unofficial data, from 2 to 3 million Azerbaijani citizens live and work in this country - this is 30-40% of the total population of Azerbaijan. At the same time, according to the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs and the press, today there are about 400 thousand Azerbaijanis in Moscow, both registered and without registration, and taking into account the Moscow region, this figure increases to 1 million people. In St. Petersburg, the number of Azerbaijanis reached 200 thousand people. Azerbaijanis have been recorded in almost all regions of Russia. There are many Azerbaijanis even in Siberia and the Far East, which is distant and cold for southerners. There are 23 thousand Azerbaijanis officially registered in the Tyumen region, but in fact there are up to 100 thousand of the latter here. In the Omsk region - up to 20 thousand, in the Tomsk region - more than 50 thousand people. In the southern Siberian cities, the number of Azerbaijanis today has approached the mark of 150 thousand people. And in the Far East, the largest number of Azerbaijanis are in Primorye; about 70 thousand Azerbaijanis live in Vladivostok alone.
It is interesting that Azerbaijanis are trying to settle in Russia on a parochial basis. Thus, natives of the cities of Kazakh and Akstafa settle in the cities of Kogalym, Surgut and Tyumen, while Baku residents and residents of Absheron initially preferred to settle mainly in the capital of Russia, and now, after the decline of the flower business, they began to develop the Far East, settling in Vladivostok, Khabarovsk and the Sakhalin Peninsula . Surprisingly, residents of the subtropical southern regions (Lenkoran, Masally, etc.), undaunted by the harsh cold of the Russian north, are successfully developing this region and today there are many of them in Murmansk, Arkhangelsk and other settlements of the Arctic.
Until recently, natives of Karabakh settled mainly in Samara and Nizhny Novgorod, and Shamkirs and Ganja residents lived in Moscow, the Moscow region and St. Petersburg. However, today some changes have taken place here: some of the Karabakh residents, mainly refugees from Aghdam and Fuzuli, as well as residents of Nakhchevan, are increasingly exploring Moscow and they already control some of the capital’s markets.
The sphere of activity of Azerbaijanis in Russia is quite extensive. Those of them who were born in Russia, or came here in Soviet times to study and are citizens of this country, now work in the field of science and art, or big business. As a rule, they also lead Azerbaijani communities in Russian cities and regions.
The same residents of Azerbaijan who arrived in Russia during the years of the Karabakh conflict and the collapse of the USSR found different jobs: from medium and large businesses to seasonal work at construction sites, in industry and transport. There are many of them in the service sector and in the law enforcement system.
Previously, Azerbaijanis gave preference to living in Russian cities, which was natural, because during the Soviet period, intellectuals or students, that is, city dwellers, left the republic to study. Now, among emigrants from Azerbaijan, the number of refugees and people from rural areas of the republic has sharply increased, which is associated with colossal unemployment. In cities, especially large ones, they do not feel so comfortable and familiar. In addition, in cities, especially Moscow and St. Petersburg, they too often became victims of pogroms and nationalist protests by some Russians, constant attacks by police and riot police. And therefore, it is no coincidence that the majority of Azerbaijani emigrants now prefer to settle in Russia away from large cities, and recently cooperatives and farms have been organized in villages where they are engaged in agriculture.
In general, having successfully integrated into Russian society, Azerbaijanis bring, according to unofficial press data, up to $1 billion to the republic annually, which is then spent on the local market. In fact, a large part of the republic’s population, especially rural areas and refugees, live off income from labor migration to Russia.
At the same time, it should be pointed out that the departure, albeit temporary, of such a large number of the republic’s population threatens with new serious complications, but this time in relation to the Azerbaijanis. After all, it is mainly the male population who are leaving, the overwhelming majority of whom are unmarried. Thus, today the demographic balance in the republic has once again been disrupted, but this time in relation to the sexes. Taking into account the significant number of dead, wounded and maimed, as well as those who emigrated, a considerable part of the girls and women of Azerbaijan are doomed to loneliness, which will certainly have an impact later.
RESULTS
Thus, the 10-year Karabakh conflict has brought significant changes to the demographic and religious situation in Azerbaijan. Before the start of the conflict, in 1988, just over 7 million people lived in Azerbaijan, of which 83% were Azerbaijanis. Religiously, 87% of the population were Muslims, 12.5% were Christians and 0.5% were Jews.
As a result of the conflict, both sides suffered the following losses: the Azerbaijanis lost 2 thousand people. and about 30 thousand were wounded, and the Armenians, accordingly, killed 6 thousand and wounded up to 20 thousand people.
During the years of conflict, both republics were overwhelmed by migration flows: according to official data, at the time of the truce in 1994, 304 thousand Armenian refugees from Azerbaijan were registered in Armenia. After the truce, 35 thousand Armenians returned to Azerbaijan to Nagorno-Karabakh. Another 72 thousand people. from the settlements of Armenia bordering Azerbaijan, forced to move to safe areas due to hostilities, are registered as internally displaced persons. Finally, according to unofficial data, about 540 thousand people. (according to other sources - from 600 to 800 thousand people) emigrated from the country in search of a livelihood.
In Azerbaijan, these indicators are even more depressing: according to official data, as of January 1998, the republic had 233 thousand refugees from Armenia and Uzbekistan and 620 thousand internally displaced persons, a total of 853 thousand people. According to independent experts, in reality there are 210 thousand refugees in Azerbaijan (some Meskhetian Turks left the republic) and about 520 thousand internally displaced persons, that is, in total more than 730 thousand people affected by the conflict. At the same time, after the truce in 1995-1997. about 40 thousand internally displaced persons returned to the liberated villages of the Fizuli region.
In total, during the years of the Karabakh conflict, at least 600 thousand citizens of non-titular nationality, mostly of the Christian faith, left Azerbaijan, and approximately 800 thousand people remained, excluding the Karabakh Armenians. As a result of these migration processes, today more than 90% of the 7.6 million inhabitants of the republic are Azerbaijanis. The composition of ethnic minorities has also changed noticeably: if before, after the Azerbaijanis, Russians and Armenians dominated the republic, now their places are taken by Lezgins, Talysh and Kurds. The religious composition has also changed dramatically: more than 95% are Muslims and about 4% are Christians. That is, today Azerbaijan is practically a mono-confessional republic.
But migration processes in Azerbaijan did not stop there. Nowadays, labor migration plays a huge role, primarily to Russia. In total, more than 2 million Azerbaijanis practically live outside the republic, earning their livelihood.
These are the sad results of the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict that has been going on for 10 years.
LITERATURE
1. Arif Yunusov. Pogroms in Armenia in 1988-1989. - "Express Chronicle" (Moscow), No. 9, 1991.
2. Arif Yunusov. Pogroms in Azerbaijan in 1988-1990. - "Express Chronicle" (Moscow), No. 21, 1991.
3. Arif Yunusov. Statistics of the Karabakh war. - "Commonwealth" (Baku), 1995, No. 1,3.
4. Arif Yunusov. Azerbaijan in the post-Soviet period: problems and possible paths of development. - Collection "North Caucasus - Transcaucasia: problems of stability and development prospects." Moscow, 1997.
5. Refugees and forced migrants on the territory of the Russian Federation. Moscow, 1997.
6. Identity and conflict in post-Soviet states. Moscow, 1997.
7. Materials of the State Committee on Statistics of Azerbaijan on refugees and internally displaced persons, 1991-1998. Baku.
8. Migrations and new diasporas in post-Soviet states. Moscow, 1996.
9. Population of Azerbaijan in 1993. Baku, 1994.
10. Population of the Azerbaijan Republic. Statistical collection. Baku, 1991.
11. National composition of the population of the USSR. Population census 1989 Moscow, 1991.
12. Number and natural movement of the population of the Republic of Azerbaijan in 1991. Baku, 1992.
13.Arif Yunusov. Demographic disaster.-Index on Censorship (London), Vol.26, No.4, July/August 1996.
14. Azerbaijan Human Development Report, 1996. UNDP. Baku, 1996.
15. Azerbaijan Human Development Report, 1997. UNDP. Baku, 1997.
16. CIS Migration Report, 1996. IOM. Geneva, 1997.
17. Deported peoples of the former Soviet Union: the Case of the Meskhetians. IOM. Geneva, 1998.
18.Frelick Bill. Faultlines of Nationality Conflict. Refugees and Displaced Persons from Armenia and Azerbaijan. USA Committee for Refugees. March 1994.
19. Gevork Pogosian. Conditions of Refugees in Armenia. Yerevan, 1996.
20. Human Rights Watch. Seven Years of Conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh. New York, December, 1994.
15 years ago (1994), Azerbaijan, Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia signed the Bishkek Protocol on the cessation of fire in the Karabakh conflict zone from May 12, 1994.
Nagorno-Karabakh is a region in Transcaucasia, de jure part of Azerbaijan. The population is 138 thousand people, the vast majority are Armenians. The capital is the city of Stepanakert. The population is about 50 thousand people.
According to Armenian open sources, Nagorno-Karabakh (the ancient Armenian name is Artsakh) was first mentioned in the inscription of Sardur II, king of Urartu (763-734 BC). In the early Middle Ages, Nagorno-Karabakh was part of Armenia, according to Armenian sources. After most of this country was captured by Turkey and Iran in the Middle Ages, the Armenian principalities (melikdoms) of Nagorno-Karabakh maintained a semi-independent status.
According to Azerbaijani sources, Karabakh is one of the most ancient historical regions of Azerbaijan. According to the official version, the appearance of the term “Karabakh” dates back to the 7th century and is interpreted as a combination of the Azerbaijani words “gara” (black) and “bagh” (garden). Among other provinces, Karabakh (Ganja in Azerbaijani terminology) in the 16th century. was part of the Safavid state, and later became the independent Karabakh Khanate.
According to the Kurekchay Treaty of 1805, the Karabakh Khanate, as a Muslim-Azerbaijani land, was subordinated to Russia. IN 1813 According to the Gulistan Peace Treaty, Nagorno-Karabakh became part of Russia. In the first third of the 19th century, according to the Treaty of Turkmenchay and the Treaty of Edirne, the artificial placement of Armenians resettled from Iran and Turkey in Northern Azerbaijan, including Karabakh, began.
On May 28, 1918, the independent state of the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic (ADR) was created in Northern Azerbaijan, retaining its political power over Karabakh. At the same time, the declared Armenian (Ararat) Republic put forward its claims to Karabakh, which were not recognized by the ADR government. In January 1919, the ADR government created the Karabakh province, which included Shusha, Javanshir, Jebrail and Zangezur districts.
IN July 1921 By decision of the Caucasian Bureau of the Central Committee of the RCP (b), Nagorno-Karabakh was included in the Azerbaijan SSR with the rights of broad autonomy. In 1923, the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Okrug was formed on the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh as part of Azerbaijan.
February 20, 1988 An extraordinary session of the regional Council of Deputies of the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Okrug adopted a decision “On a petition to the Supreme Councils of the AzSSR and the Armenian SSR for the transfer of the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Okrug from the AzSSR to the Armenian SSR.” The refusal of the Union and Azerbaijani authorities caused protest demonstrations by Armenians not only in Nagorno-Karabakh, but also in Yerevan.
On September 2, 1991, a joint session of the Nagorno-Karabakh regional and Shahumyan district councils was held in Stepanakert. At the session, a Declaration was adopted on the proclamation of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic within the borders of the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region, the Shahumyan region and part of the Khanlar region of the former Azerbaijan SSR.
December 10, 1991, a few days before the official collapse of the Soviet Union, a referendum was held in Nagorno-Karabakh, in which the overwhelming majority of the population, 99.89%, voted for complete independence from Azerbaijan.
Official Baku recognized this act as illegal and abolished the autonomy of Karabakh that existed during the Soviet years. Following this, an armed conflict began, during which Azerbaijan tried to hold Karabakh, and Armenian troops defended the independence of the region with the support of Yerevan and the Armenian diaspora from other countries.
During the conflict, regular Armenian units completely or partially captured seven regions that Azerbaijan considered its own. As a result, Azerbaijan lost control over Nagorno-Karabakh.
At the same time, the Armenian side believes that part of Karabakh remains under the control of Azerbaijan - the villages of the Mardakert and Martuni regions, the entire Shaumyan region and the Getashen subdistrict, as well as Nakhichevan.
In the description of the conflict, the parties provide their figures for losses, which differ from those of the opposing side. According to consolidated data, the losses of both sides during the Karabakh conflict ranged from 15 to 25 thousand people killed, more than 25 thousand wounded, hundreds of thousands of civilians fled their places of residence.
May 5, 1994 With the mediation of Russia, Kyrgyzstan and the CIS Interparliamentary Assembly in the capital of Kyrgyzstan, Bishkek, Azerbaijan, Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia signed a protocol that went down in the history of the settlement of the Karabakh conflict as the Bishkek Protocol, on the basis of which a ceasefire agreement was reached on May 12.
On May 12 of the same year, a meeting was held in Moscow between the Minister of Defense of Armenia Serzh Sargsyan (now the President of Armenia), the Minister of Defense of Azerbaijan Mammadraffi Mammadov and the commander of the NKR Defense Army Samvel Babayan, at which the parties’ commitment to the previously reached ceasefire agreement was confirmed.
The negotiation process to resolve the conflict began in 1991. September 23, 1991 A meeting of the presidents of Russia, Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan and Armenia took place in Zheleznovodsk. In March 1992, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) Minsk Group to resolve the Karabakh conflict was established, co-chaired by the United States, Russia and France. In mid-September 1993, the first meeting of representatives of Azerbaijan and Nagorno-Karabakh took place in Moscow. Around the same time, a closed meeting between the President of Azerbaijan Heydar Aliyev and the then Prime Minister of Nagorno-Karabakh Robert Kocharyan took place in Moscow. Since 1999, regular meetings have been held between the presidents of Azerbaijan and Armenia.
Azerbaijan insists on maintaining its territorial integrity, Armenia defends the interests of the unrecognized republic, since the unrecognized NKR is not a party to the negotiations.
GREGORYAYVAZYAN -CHAIRMAN OF NGO “ASSEMBLY OF AZERBAIJAN ARMENIANS”, AZƏRBAYCAN ERMƏNLƏRININ MƏCLISI SƏDR, AZERBAIJANOVIST
Organization “ASSEMBLY OF AZERBAIJAN ARMENIANS” which I head, represents and protects the legitimate rights and interests of the community of Azerbaijani Armenians in exile (refugees). We are also engaged in analytical work, scientific Azerbaijani studies, propaganda and explanatory work, human rights activities, searching for ways to peacefully resolve the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict, etc. We are deeply convinced that without taking into account the legitimate rights and interests of all victims and interested parties to the conflict it is impossible to achieve lasting, just and long-term peace and stability in the South Caucasus region. Azerbaijani Armenians (refugees), being the main affected and interested party in the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict, without taking into account their legitimate interests and rights in the region, it is impossible to achieve a lasting, long-term, just peace and internal political stability in the Republic of Armenia, where they make up about 12% of the population.
The keys to achieving a fair pro-Armenian solution to the Karabakh conflict lie in the correct presentation and interpretation of the history and fate of Azerbaijani Armenians to the world community. The history and fate of the Azerbaijani Armenians is indisputable proof of the impossibility of peaceful coexistence of the Karabakh Armenians and Azerbaijani Turks within a single state. Acts of genocide of Armenians living in Sumgait, Baku, Kirovabad in 1988-1990. This was followed by programs and acts of mass violence throughout the republic. The names of those who ordered the organizers and perpetrators of the pogroms have long been well known. This is all the past leadership of Az. SSR and NFA. The Azerbaijani leadership violated the unwritten law of coexistence of the communities of Azerbaijani Armenians and Turks within the framework of a common state, and this is a major miscalculation of the Azerbaijani political elite. After what happened in 1988-1990. far from the conflict zone and long before its military phase with Azerbaijani-Armenians, peaceful citizens of Azerbaijan who are completely uninvolved in the Karabakh movement and completely loyal to the state, Azerbaijan has neither moral rights nor legal grounds to claim to belong to the NKR. Expelled from their original places of residence, the Armenians of Eastern Transcaucasia have still not received any material, political (territorial), or moral compensation.
Worldwide there are about three million Armenians who came from the territory of the former Az SSR and their descendants. Of these, about one million the people are Armenians who left the Republic of Azerbaijan during the conflict of 1988-1994. and their descendants. Their contribution to the cultural history, economic and political life of Azerbaijan cannot be overestimated.
communityAzerbaijani Armenians in the classical sense it would be wrong call it a diaspora. The Armenians in the East of Transcaucasia (in today's "Azerbaijan") are an autochthonous people who lived here from ancient times long before the direct ancestors of modern "Azerbaijanis" - the Turks - came to the region from Manchuria, Altai and Central Asia. Azerbaijani Armenians are direct descendants of the indigenous Christian population of the historical provinces of Artsakh, Utik (Karabakh) and Albania proper (Caucasian Albania-Aghvank). In Soviet times, there was no particular debate on this issue in historiography. The only contradiction was that some historians believed that the Karabakh and Azerbaijani Armenians were originally Armenians, while others believed that they were descendants of the “Udin Albans” formed in the 10th-19th centuries. With all this, no one questioned the autochthony of our ancestors in the lands that, since 1918, began to be called “Azerbaijan.” These lands are the historical homeland of the Azerbaijani Armenians. Eastern Transcaucasia began to be called “Azerbaijan” only in 1918, and the ethnonym Azerbaijanis, as the official designation of the new nation, acquired “citizenship” and became widespread in 1936. The concept of “Azerbaijani” is collective in its current form. It still reflects not the ethnic origin of the individual, but his citizenship. From a scientific point of view, the concept of “Azerbaijani” is collective, even in its current form. Some Azerbaijani scientists were forced to admit this fact. To put everything in its place, you should know who exactly we are talking about; if about Azerbaijanis (azərbaycanlılar), then they do not have their own “special” history before 1936, and if about Azerbaijani Turks (they have a mixed ethnic origin), then the situation is completely different, and one confuses and, even more so, replaces these two different concepts , as many do, calling the Turks of Eastern Transcaucasia “Azeri” (azərilər), is unacceptable. In the same case, if we are talking about the Turks of Azerbaijan, and not about the Azerbaijanis, everything becomes extremely clear, because their history is well known. Although in this case you will have to forget about autochthony.
The AzSSR was founded on the historical lands of Azerbaijani Armenians as a “single state union” of the main two communities of the republic “Muslims and Armenians”. The Armenians of the AzSSR were actually one of the state-forming and titular nations of this republic. Motivating precisely this and “based on the need for national peace between Muslims and Armenians...” of the republic, the Cavalry Bureau of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) made a decision on July 5, 1921 on the transfer of NK from the Armenian SSR to the AzSSR. Later, the Armenian population of the AzSSR began to be gradually forced out of the republic, and was subjected to various kinds of oppression, reaching the point of open discrimination. So, for example, the Armenian population of the AzSSR, as a percentage, was in the leading place in the number of those drafted and sent to the fronts of the Second World War in the republic, which, in fact, was a deliberate act aimed at reducing the number of Armenians. The leadership of Azerbaijan is pursuing a similar policy now in relation to other indigenous peoples of the republic (Lezghin Talysh, etc.), sending them to serve in the hottest spots on the Karabakh front.
Contrary to historical facts, Azerbaijani authors and propagandists insist from all platforms that as a result of the 1988-1994 war, more than 20% of the territory of Azerbaijan was occupied and more than a million “Azeris” became “refugees” or displaced persons. There are no Azerbaijani refugees in Azerbaijan at all. In reality, everything was exactly the opposite; it was Armenia and Karabakh that were subjected to unprovoked aggression from Azerbaijan both in 1918-1920 and in 1988-1994. It is the indigenous Armenian population of Eastern Transcaucasia, on the orders of the leadership of Azerbaijan, that was subjected to ethnic cleansing and mass forced deportation from their native land. Azerbaijan in 1988-1990 As a result of the policy of genocide carried out by the authorities of the republic at the highest level, almost the entire indigenous Armenian population was forced to leave. In addition, the Armenian side liberated, and did not seize, the entire part of Nagorno-Karabakh and did not at all go beyond its historical and geographical borders. Indeed, in violation of the decision of the Caucasian Bureau of the RCP (b) dated July 5, 1921, instead of the entire Nagorno-Karabakh (including the now liberated areas), autonomy was granted to a small part of it, and later the region was in fact renamed from AONK to NKAO. In addition, under the occupation of the Azerbaijani Turks, the ancestral lands of the Armenians of Eastern Transcaucasia, such as Shaumyanovsky, Shamkhorsky, Khanlarsky, Dashkesansky, Gadabaysky, Armenian-Udinsky Kutkashensky and Vardashensky regions, Armenian Gandzak, Nakhichevan, etc., are still under occupation. the autochthons of the region are newcomers, and the eastern part of their homeland is called Western Azerbaijan, and the youth are brought up on this lie, while about half of the territory of current “Azerbaijan” is historically the lands of North-Eastern Armenia!
Often when they talk about the right of return of refugees to their former places of residence, the erroneous impression is created that we are talking exclusively about the unilateral return of Azerbaijani “refugees” (more precisely, displaced persons, since there are simply no people with refugee status in Azerbaijan) to their places of former residence on the territory of the Republic of Armenia and the NKR, but in reality this is the case completely different. As we were assured by the representations of the co-chairing countries of the OSCE Minsk Group, we are talking about the return of everyone, including Armenian refugees from Azerbaijan. Given the presence of international security guarantees, I assure you that many of our fellow countrymen, including me personally, would like to return to their native lands.
As for the likelihood of such a development of events, it is as likely as the return of Azerbaijani “refugees” to the RA and NKR, no more and no less. The concept of a comprehensive solution to the problem of refugees in the zone of the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict can be exclusively universal, or the mutual return of all refugees, or the mutual exclusion of their return is not given!
We have repeatedly called on other indigenous peoples of Azerbaijan for close cooperation in the name of common interests. Cooperation with some of them has already been established. The Assembly of Azerbaijani Armenians is part of the Assembly of Peoples of Azerbaijan (the democratic government of Azerbaijan in exile), the true place of the Assembly of Azerbaijani Armenians should be in the city of Baku, where we will definitely return at the first opportunity, sooner or later. Our cause is just, we are convinced that victory will be ours!
The ancestors of the Turks lived in areas north of China. The area of their settlement from time to time covered the south of Siberia, some territories of modern Mongolia, at times reaching all the way to Manchuria.
Alekperov A.K., Research on the archeology and ethnography of Azerbaijan, Baku, 1960, p. 71; Alekperli F., National ideology of Azerbaijan. Who are we, who did we come from and where are we going? “Mirror”, Baku, 08.08.2009. (Farid Alekperli, Doctor of Historical Sciences and head of department of the Institute of Manuscripts of the NAS AR-G.A.).
Alekperov A.K., Studies in archeology and ethnography of Azerbaijan, p. 71; Alekperli F., National ideology of Azerbaijan. Who are we, who did we come from and where are we going? “Mirror”, Baku, 08.08.2009.
Experts consider the strengthening of ethnic separatism to be one of the main factors negatively affecting regional and international security. A striking example of this in the post-Soviet space has been the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh for almost three decades. Initially, the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan was artificially provoked from the outside, and the levers of pressure on the situation were in different hands, for which confrontation was necessary first for the collapse of the USSR, and then for the Karabakh clan to come to power. In addition, the flaring conflict played into the hands of those major players who intended to strengthen their presence in the region. And finally, the confrontation made it possible to put pressure on Baku to conclude more profitable oil contracts with it. According to the developed scenario, events began in NKAO and Yerevan - Azerbaijanis were fired from work, and people were forced to leave for Azerbaijan. Then pogroms began in the Armenian quarters of Sumgait and in Baku, which, by the way, was the most international city in Transcaucasia.
Political scientist Sergei Kurginyan said that when the Armenians were brutally killed at first in Sumgait, mocking them and performing some ritual actions, it was not Azerbaijanis who did it, but people from outside, hired representatives of international private structures. “We know these representatives by name, we know what structures they belonged to then, what structures they belong to now. These people killed Armenians, involved Azerbaijanis in this matter, then killed Azerbaijanis, involved Armenians in this matter. Then they pitted Armenians and Azerbaijanis against each other , and this controlled tension began. We saw it all, we saw what was behind it,” the political scientist said.
According to Kurginyan, at that time, “demacratoid and liberoid myths, which had nothing to do with this, were already perceived as the ultimate truth, as something self-evident, as something absolutely correct, they already controlled consciousness. All these viruses were already biting into consciousness, and the crowds they ran in the right direction, towards their own end, towards their own misfortune, towards their own ultimate misfortune, in which they subsequently found themselves.” Later, such tactics were used to incite other conflicts.
Vestnik Kavkaza columnist Mamikon Babayan is looking for ways to resolve the conflict.
The Karabakh war became one of the bloodiest in the post-Soviet space. Peoples with similar languages and cultures, who had lived side by side for centuries, found themselves divided into two warring camps. Over the many years of conflict, more than 18 thousand people have died, and this figure is constantly growing.
The population on both sides lives in constant tension due to frequent skirmishes, and the danger of a resumption of large-scale war still remains. And we are talking not only about war with the use of firearms. The conflict manifests itself in the division of common historical and cultural heritage, including national music, architecture, literature, and cuisine.
25 years have passed since the truce in Karabakh, and every year it is becoming more and more difficult for the Azerbaijani leadership to explain to their society why the richest country in the region continues to experience difficulties in resolving the issue of restoring territorial integrity. Today, a real information war is unfolding in the region. Although full-scale military operations are no longer underway (except for the escalation in April 2016), the war has become a mental phenomenon. Armenia and Karabakh live in tension, which is maintained by forces interested in destabilizing the region. The atmosphere of militarization is noticeable in the educational programs of school and preschool institutions in Armenia and the unrecognized “Nagorno-Karabakh Republic”. The media does not stop declaring the threat that they perceive in the statements of Azerbaijani politicians.
In Armenia, the Karabakh issue divides society into two camps: those who insist on accepting the de facto situation without any concessions, and those who agree to the need to make painful compromises, thanks to which it will be possible to overcome the crisis post-war consequences, including the economic blockade Armenia. It is worth noting that the veterans of the Karabakh war, who are now in power in Yerevan and “NKR”, do not consider the condition of surrendering the occupied areas. The country's ruling elites understand that an attempt to transfer at least part of the disputed territories under direct control of Baku will lead to rallies in the Armenian capital, and, perhaps, to civil confrontation in the country. Moreover, many veterans categorically refuse to return the “trophy” territories that they managed to conquer in the 1990s.
Despite the obvious crisis in relations, there is a general awareness of the negative consequences of what is happening in both Armenia and Azerbaijan. Until 1987, peaceful coexistence was maintained by interethnic marriages. There can be no talk of an “eternal war” between Armenians and Azerbaijanis, since throughout history in Karabakh itself there were no conditions due to which the Azerbaijani population could leave NKAO (Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region
Meanwhile, representatives of the Armenian diaspora who were born and raised in Baku do not pour negativity on their friends and acquaintances from Azerbaijan. “The people cannot be the enemy,” one can often hear from the lips of the older generation of Azerbaijanis when talking about Karabakh.
Nevertheless, the Karabakh issue remains a lever of pressure on Armenia and Azerbaijan. The problem leaves its mark on the mental perception of Armenians and Azerbaijanis who live outside the Transcaucasus, which, in turn, serves as a reason for the formation of a negative stereotype of relations between the two peoples. Simply put, the Karabakh problem interferes with life, prevents us from closely addressing the problems of energy security in the region, as well as implementing joint transport projects beneficial for the entire Transcaucasus. But not a single government dares to take the first step towards a settlement, fearing the end of its political career if it makes concessions on the Karabakh issue.
In Baku's understanding, the beginning of the peace process means concrete steps to liberate part of the lands that are currently seized. Azerbaijan considers these territories occupied, citing UN Security Council resolutions from the Karabakh war of 1992-1993. In Armenia, the prospect of returning land is an extremely painful topic. This is due to the issue of safety of the local civilian population. During the post-war years, the occupied territories turned into a “security belt”, therefore the surrender of strategic heights and territories is unthinkable for Armenian field commanders. But it was precisely after the seizure of territories that were not part of the NKAO that the most massive expulsion of the civilian population occurred. Almost 45% of Azerbaijani refugees come from the Agdam and Fizuli regions, and Agdam itself remains a ghost town today.
Whose territory is this? It is impossible to answer this question directly, since archeology and architectural monuments give every reason to believe that both the Armenian and Turkic presence in the region dates back centuries. This is a common land and a common home for many peoples, including those who are in conflict today. Karabakh for Azerbaijanis is a matter of national importance, since expulsion and rejection were carried out. For Armenians, Karabakh is the idea of the people’s struggle for the right to land. It is difficult to find a person in Karabakh who is ready to agree to the return of the adjacent territories, because this topic is linked to the issue of security. Interethnic tension has not been eliminated in the region, overcoming which it will be possible to say that the Karabakh issue will soon be resolved.
