After the recent trial, when through your efforts, Dmitry Alekseevich, entrepreneur Kalinin was locked up in a pre-trial detention center, I feel obligated to ask you a few questions.
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Can you, even for a moment, imagine the feelings of the young woman, Ekaterina Talyzina, who walked out of the courtroom sobbing in a state of shock? She was probably scared to return home. After all, there she will have to see the eyes of the children: eight-year-old excellent student Marusya, two-year-old Petechka and Alexandra, who is not yet a year old. What should I tell them about my dad, whom his uncle, the prosecutor Kazannik, put in prison because of a Schengen visa? Since dad has such a visa, it means he can run away from his children abroad, abandon his Marusya, Petechka and Alexandra.
Do you, Mr. Kazannik, really believe this? If so, then I just feel sorry for you.
Your father, Alexey Kazannik, has already gone down in Russian history as a crystal-honest person who did not betray his ideals. In the dashing 90s, he could have easily discarded them as something superfluous in order to preserve the high post of Prosecutor General of Russia and everything that was due to him. But he didn't. He refused to comply with the order of the then Master of the Kremlin, Yeltsin, who demanded that the participants in the sad events of 1993, amnestied by the State Duma, be kept in prison. And at the same hour I found myself on the street.
I met with the now former Prosecutor General Kazannik, who had returned to his Khrushchev-era apartment at the Omsk University, where the ex-Prosecutor General came again to find a job for the summer in the student admissions committee:
“For five months I breathed the air of Kremlin intrigues... A dangerous occupation. One of my friends joked: “they don’t come back from there.” A person who has been “there” changes at the biological level. Again, dachas, “member-carrying” limousines, security, flattery of subordinates... It seems to me that I passed this test,” noted Alexey Kazannik.
But you, Dmitry Alekseevich, can say the same about yourself? How do you, for example, withstand the pressure of your current Master, First Deputy Prosecutor Lorenz, who demands that Kalinin be imprisoned? Just don’t pretend like you don’t know which clan the first deputy works for. Anastas Spiridonov, who for some reason suddenly went on vacation. Two “flocks” grappled: the “Kamertselevskys” declared a merciless war against the “Golushkinskys”...
But what does Katya Talyzina and young children have to do with it?
My sister, a physics teacher with 50 years of experience, took her first lesson at the boys' engineering class started with the question: “What is most important for a man?”
During the ensuing discussion, the most important things were mentioned: career, money, family, love, travel and much more: “No, you didn’t guess...”
And just before the bell rang, Lyubov Sergeevna, raising her index finger, in the ensuing silence, called this the Main thing: HONOR - LOVE, which comes from the words “LOVE HONOR.”
I am sincerely sorry that you, prosecutor Kazannik, investigator SK Ponorovsky and judge Murastov, apparently, were not taught such lessons to Chesto-Lubiya at school. And therefore, with such triumphant ease, the three of you knocked out a young woman who gave birth to three wonderful children in Russia.
How can one not remember the great comedian Vitsin and his words about the most humane court in the world?
I will say more, with your decision, you, Dmitry Alekseevich, shamelessly discredited Russian President Putin here in Omsk, who has repeatedly recommended to you, law enforcement officers, not to imprison entrepreneurs for suspicion of economic crimes. Kalinin, of course, could have been put under house arrest, especially since he could no longer have any influence on the course of the investigation, and the deputy of the Assembly was hardly going to run away, confident in his rightness, even theoretically.
But, alas, clan interests are higher for you.
You, prosecutor Dmitry Kazannik, disgrace the name of your father, Alexei Kazannik, to the whole of Russia.
P.S.: I must admit that I was dissuaded in every possible way from writing this remark: Sergei Sergeevich, the “Golushkinskys” who wholesale “bought up” the “Business Course” journalists, among whom were your students, drove you to an ulcer! They, in alliance with other oligarchs, contributed to the takeover of the business and the ruin of your son. But I made my choice. This note is not about Kalinin, but about the “kazannik prosecutors” and their attitude towards all Russian business.
Alexey Ivanovich was born on July 26, 1941 in the village of Peresis, Gorodnyansky district, Chernigov region. In 1959, after graduating from high school, he went to the construction of Magnitogorsk in Temirtau, Karaganda region, where he worked as a carpenter in the Zhilstroy construction department of the Kazmetallurgstroy trust.
Since 1960, he served in the army in the railway troops. After graduating from the Irkutsk Faculty of Law in 1967 state university worked there as an assistant, senior lecturer, associate professor of the department of state law and Soviet construction.
Protected candidate's thesis on problems of coordination in the system of local councils. From 1975 to 1989 - Associate Professor, from 1989 to 1993 - Head of the Department of State Law of Administration and Soviet Construction at Omsk State University. He first specialized in “Constitutional Law of Foreign Countries”, then switched to “Economic Law”.
Since 1994 - Professor at the Department of State and Municipal Law at Omsk State University. Doctor of Law. In 1989, he was elected people's deputy of the USSR in the 22nd Omsk national-territorial electoral district (Omsk and Tyumen regions).
At the First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, he was elected to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, but lost his deputy seat to Boris YELTSIN. At the same time he became a member of the Interregional Deputy Group. Since 1990, he was also a member of the group “For Radical Military Reform.”
In October 1991, at the V Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR, he ran for membership in the Constitutional Court, but was not elected. Answering a question about his attitude towards the CPSU, he expressed the opinion that the CPSU should bear real responsibility for its activities, and for this a trial similar to the Nuremberg trials is necessary.
In the same month, he was elected by the Russian Supreme Council to the new composition of the Supreme Council of the USSR. He worked in the USSR Armed Forces Committee on issues of ecology and rational use of natural resources. In addition, he developed a bill “On the judicial liability of political parties and mass movements that have committed a crime against their people, peace and humanity.”
After the liquidation of the USSR Parliament, he returned to scientific and pedagogical activities.
In 1992, he became chairman of the committee on affairs of nationalities, religions and public organizations of the administration of the Omsk region. He took part in the development of programs for the economic and social revival of the Siberian Cossacks. He is one of the authors of the idea of creating the Azov German National District in the Omsk Region.
Since February 1993 - member of the Presidential Advisory Council under Boris YELTSIN. He took part in the preparation of the referendum in April 1993 and in the development of the draft Constitution. Fully supported the “presidential” draft Constitution Russian Federation. He spoke in favor of convening a Constituent Assembly with the aim of adopting a Constitution.
On October 5, 1993, he was appointed Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation. He resigned from this position in February 1994, after the State Duma decided to grant an amnesty to members of the State Emergency Committee and participants in the events of October 3-4, 1993, and President YELTSIN’s entourage tried to “pressure” KAZANNIK so that he would not comply with the Duma’s decision to release RUTSKOY, KHASBULATOV and their supporters.
Since February 1994, he was involved in organizing the Party of People's Conscience. In April 1995, after the founding congress of the party, he announced that an agreement had been reached on cooperation to create a broad bloc of centrist forces with the Workers' Self-Government Party of Svyatoslav FEDOROV and the People's Party of Russia of Telman GDLYAN and Nikolai IVANOV.
However, the People's Conscience Party failed to gain the required number of votes in the elections.
In 1996, he was appointed deputy governor of the Omsk region, chairman of the committee on affairs national policy, religions and public associations of the administration of the Omsk region.
On September 30, 2003, he voluntarily resigned. Having received several job offers, he settled on the position of first vice-rector of the Omsk Law Institute, where he worked until September 2007, at the same time he taught and is now teaching at the department of state and municipal law of Omsk State University.
Main monographs: “Administrative and legal protection of nature in the Lake Baikal basin.” Irkutsk, 1977; “Coordination in the system of functions of local councils.” Tomsk, 1980; " Regional problems legal protection of nature in Russia". Omsk, 1998.
It was a completely conscious act, recalls Kazannik. - I got one and a half million votes, and Yeltsin got more than five and a half. This means that his political rating was almost three times higher. And it would be fair for him to be in the Supreme Council.
After the meeting, deputy Telman Gdlyan caught up with me in the passage and said: “Well, you’ve done a lot of things, lawyer. You ruined his political career. Yeltsin does not need the Supreme Council.
We need Yeltsin at the rally - persecuted and crying. Our people love the persecuted and offended. Yes, he would have won an incredible number of votes in the next elections. And he would become the head of state..."
By the way, after Boris Nikolaevich took Kazannik’s place, he simply came up and shook his hand.
We didn’t meet him again at the congress,” says Kazannik.
And after that, the ex-prosecutor general met with Yeltsin more than once.
Somehow even New Year celebrated together,” said Alexey Ivanovich. - They called me - they invited me to the Yeltsins, they sent me a car. They then lived in the center on Tverskaya-Yamskaya. An ordinary working man's apartment. Almost bare walls and shelves filled with books.
Yeltsin was very democratic. And this was not ostentatious simplicity, but completely natural behavior.
Boris Nikolaevich was delayed somewhere... Naina Iosifovna said to me: “Alexey Ivanovich, sit down on the sofa. Just put a pillow on it, otherwise it’s worn out - the springs stick out...”
Soon Yeltsin arrived.
I was glad that I was already there. He says: “Come on, you and I, while they’re cooking there, let’s have a snack first.” I opened a can of herring in oil, cut radishes, cucumbers, and lard. By the way, he salted the lard himself.
In 1993, the president and the prosecutor general parted ways.
Yeltsin was a destructive leader, completely uncompromising. People were appointed to positions based on personal loyalty to him. During the reign of Boris Nikolayevich, several dozen members of the government, ministers and five hundred members of the apparatus were replaced. People simply did not have time to go through the apprenticeship stage and do something in their place. But nevertheless, Yeltsin is an outstanding personality of his era. My sincere condolences to his family and friends. He, the only former Soviet leader, voluntarily gave up power. And he sincerely repented in front of the whole country. What shocked me most in his televised address to the people was the phrase: “Forgive me! I didn't do everything I promised."
private bussiness
In 1959 he went to Kazakhstan to build a metallurgical plant. He worked there as a carpenter.
In 1963 he entered the Faculty of Law of Irkutsk University.
In 1989 - 1991 - People's Deputy of the USSR.
In 1993 - 1994 - Prosecutor General of Russia.
After that, he was vice-governor of the Omsk region, and also taught at Omsk State University.
Now he teaches at Omsk State University. Dostoevsky and Omsk Law Institute.
(1941-07-26 ) (78 years old)With. Census, Gorodnyansky district, Chernigov region, Ukrainian SSR, USSR
Professor
Alexey Ivanovich Kazannik(born July 26, village Census of the Chernigov region of the Ukrainian SSR) - Russian lawyer and politician, Doctor of Law (), professor, Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation (from September to February), State Counselor of Justice 1st class (1993), Deputy Governor of the Omsk Region (from to year). In the early 1990s, he gained fame thanks to a gentlemanly act: having been elected to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, he gave up his place to Boris Yeltsin. Honored Lawyer of the Russian Federation.
Biography
In his election program, he called for the abandonment of expensive programs (BAM, the transfer of the flow of northern rivers to the south, the construction of giant hydroelectric power stations), and spoke in favor of reducing the Armed Forces (with the provision of solid social guarantees to military personnel transferred to the reserve). He showed himself to be an opponent of administrative pressure in agricultural policy and advocated easing tax policy in the agricultural sector, long-term loans, creating a system of benefits and stimulating rentals. He called for the development of a constitutional mechanism for removing senior state officials from power in the event of their violation of the Constitution and abuse of official position. He proposed creating a legislative framework for nature conservation, introducing paid nature management and environmental education.
After his election, he became a member of the Interregional Deputy Group, and since 1990 he was also a member of the group “For Radical Military Reform.” During these years, he worked in the Committee of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR on issues of ecology and rational use of natural resources, and was known as the main developer of the bill “On the judicial responsibility of political parties and mass movements that have committed a crime against their people, peace and humanity.”
A.I. Kazannik considered it necessary to exercise control over the relevant ministries by the relevant commission of the Supreme Council, and spoke out for the right of the Congress and the Supreme Council to express no confidence in the government and individual ministers. At the First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, after being elected to the Council of Nationalities of the Supreme Soviet, he made a statement about refusing this place in favor of B. N. Yeltsin. In October 1991, at the V Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR, he ran for membership in the Constitutional Court, but was not elected. In the same month, he was delegated by the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR to the Council of Republics of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.
After being recalled from the Union Parliament on December 12, 1991, he returned to scientific and pedagogical activities. In 1993, he was chairman of the Committee on Nationalities, Religions and Public Organizations of the Omsk Regional Administration. He took part in the development of programs for the development of interethnic relations, as well as the economic and social revival of the Siberian Cossacks. He was the author of the idea of creating the Azov German National District in the Omsk Region, and supported the transfer of all religious buildings in the region to the ownership of the relevant faiths.
Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation
In October 1993, he became co-chairman of the Omsk regional branch of the “Choice of Russia” movement.
In this post, he supervised the completion of the investigation of criminal cases related to the events of August 19-21, 1991 and the dispersal of the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Council in October 1993. He resigned from his position on February 26, 1994 after he showed integrity and refused (contrary to Yeltsin’s orders and unprecedented pressure from his Administration) to interfere with the implementation of the State Duma’s resolution on amnesty for participants in the events of 1991 and 1993. He stated that throughout his work at the prosecutor’s office he experienced constant pressure and interference in the investigation “ political affairs from above" However, taking advantage of the dispute over the division of constitutional powers between the President and the Federal Assembly, he announced that he was forced to resign and expressed a desire to continue working, however, after a month of consultations with senators, he agreed to resign. Officially dismissed by decision of the Federation Council on April 25, 1994.
Party career
Since February 1994, he was involved in organizing the Party of People's Conscience, which actually existed only in Omsk. Among the possible allies of his party he named the Yavlinsky-Boldyrev-Lukin bloc and the St. Petersburg Regional Party of the Center.
Married, has two sons. He enjoys hiking, reading classical literature, and has kayaked across Lake. Baikal.
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Rostov barely had time to hand over the letter and tell Denisov’s whole business when quick steps with spurs began to sound from the stairs and the general, moving away from him, moved towards the porch. The gentlemen of the sovereign's retinue ran down the stairs and went to the horses. Bereitor Ene, the same one who was in Austerlitz, brought the sovereign's horse, and a light creaking of steps was heard on the stairs, which Rostov now recognized. Forgetting the danger of being recognized, Rostov moved with several curious residents to the porch itself and again, after two years, he saw the same features he adored, the same face, the same look, the same gait, the same combination of greatness and meekness... And the feeling of delight and love for the sovereign was resurrected with the same strength in Rostov’s soul. The Emperor in the Preobrazhensky uniform, in white leggings and high boots, with a star that Rostov did not know (it was legion d'honneur) [star of the Legion of Honor] went out onto the porch, holding his hat at hand and putting on a glove. He stopped, looking around and that's it illuminating the surroundings with his gaze. He said a few words to some of the generals. He also recognized the former chief of the division, Rostov, smiled at him and called him over.The entire retinue retreated, and Rostov saw how this general said something to the sovereign for quite a long time.
The Emperor said a few words to him and took a step to approach the horse. Again the crowd of the retinue and the crowd of the street in which Rostov was located moved closer to the sovereign. Stopping by the horse and holding the saddle with his hand, the sovereign turned to the cavalry general and spoke loudly, obviously with the desire for everyone to hear him.
“I can’t, general, and that’s why I can’t because the law is stronger than me,” said the sovereign and raised his foot in the stirrup. The general bowed his head respectfully, the sovereign sat down and galloped down the street. Rostov, beside himself with delight, ran after him with the crowd.
On the square where the sovereign went, a battalion of Preobrazhensky soldiers stood face to face on the right, and a battalion of the French Guard in bearskin hats on the left.
While the sovereign was approaching one flank of the battalions, which were on guard duty, another crowd of horsemen jumped up to the opposite flank and ahead of them Rostov recognized Napoleon. It couldn't be anyone else. He rode at a gallop in a small hat, with a St. Andrew's ribbon over his shoulder, in a blue uniform open over a white camisole, on an unusually thoroughbred Arabian gray horse, on a crimson, gold embroidered saddle cloth. Having approached Alexander, he raised his hat and with this movement, Rostov’s cavalry eye could not help but notice that Napoleon was sitting poorly and not firmly on his horse. The battalions shouted: Hurray and Vive l "Empereur! [Long live the Emperor!] Napoleon said something to Alexander. Both emperors got off their horses and took each other's hands. There was an unpleasantly feigned smile on Napoleon's face. Alexander said something to him with an affectionate expression .
Rostov, without taking his eyes off, despite the trampling of the horses of the French gendarmes besieging the crowd, followed every move of Emperor Alexander and Bonaparte. He was struck as a surprise by the fact that Alexander behaved as an equal with Bonaparte, and that Bonaparte was completely free, as if this closeness with the sovereign was natural and familiar to him, as an equal, he treated the Russian Tsar.
Alexander and Napoleon with long tail The retinues approached the right flank of the Preobrazhensky battalion, directly towards the crowd that stood here. The crowd suddenly found itself so close to the emperors that Rostov, who was standing in the front rows, became afraid that they would recognize him.
“Sire, je vous demande la permission de donner la legion d"honneur au plus brave de vos soldats, [Sire, I ask your permission to give the Order of the Legion of Honor to the bravest of your soldiers,] said a sharp, precise voice, finishing each letter It was the short Bonaparte who spoke, looking straight into Alexander's eyes from below. Alexander listened attentively to what was being said to him, and bowed his head, smiling pleasantly.
“A celui qui s"est le plus vaillament conduit dans cette derieniere guerre, [To the one who showed himself bravest during the war],” Napoleon added, emphasizing each syllable, with a calm and confidence outrageous for Rostov, looking around the ranks of Russians stretched out in front of there are soldiers, keeping everything on guard and motionlessly looking into the face of their emperor.
“Votre majeste me permettra t elle de demander l"avis du colonel? [Your Majesty will allow me to ask the colonel’s opinion?] - said Alexander and took several hasty steps towards Prince Kozlovsky, the battalion commander. Meanwhile, Bonaparte began to take off his white glove, small hand and, tearing it apart, threw it in. The adjutant, hastily rushing forward from behind, picked it up.
- Who should I give it to? – Emperor Alexander asked Kozlovsky not loudly, in Russian.
- Whom do you order, Your Majesty? “The Emperor winced with displeasure and, looking around, said:
- But you have to answer him.
Kozlovsky looked back at the ranks with a decisive look and in this glance captured Rostov as well.
“Isn’t it me?” thought Rostov.
- Lazarev! – the colonel commanded with a frown; and the first-ranked soldier, Lazarev, smartly stepped forward.
-Where are you going? Stop here! - voices whispered to Lazarev, who did not know where to go. Lazarev stopped, looked sideways at the colonel in fear, and his face trembled, as happens with soldiers called to the front.
Napoleon slightly turned his head back and pulled back his small chubby hand, as if wanting to take something. The faces of his retinue, having guessed at that very second what was going on, began to fuss, whisper, passing something on to one another, and the page, the same one whom Rostov saw yesterday at Boris’s, ran forward and respectfully bent over the outstretched hand and did not make her wait either one second, he put an order on a red ribbon into it. Napoleon, without looking, clenched two fingers. The Order found itself between them. Napoleon approached Lazarev, who, rolling his eyes, stubbornly continued to look only at his sovereign, and looked back at Emperor Alexander, thereby showing that what he was doing now, he was doing for his ally. A small white hand with an order touched the button of soldier Lazarev. It was as if Napoleon knew that in order for this soldier to be happy, rewarded and distinguished from everyone else in the world forever, it was only necessary for him, Napoleon’s hand, to be worthy of touching the soldier’s chest. Napoleon just put the cross to Lazarev's chest and, letting go of his hand, turned to Alexander, as if he knew that the cross should stick to Lazarev's chest. The cross really stuck.
Helpful Russian and French hands instantly picked up the cross and attached it to the uniform. Lazarev looked gloomily at little man, with white hands, who did something above him, and continued to hold motionless on guard, again began to look directly into Alexander’s eyes, as if he was asking Alexander: whether he should still stand, or whether they would order him to walk now, or maybe anything else to do? But he was not ordered to do anything, and he remained in this motionless state for quite a long time.
The sovereigns mounted and rode away. The Preobrazhentsy, breaking up the ranks, mixed with the French guards and sat down at the tables prepared for them.
Lazarev sat in a place of honor; Russian and French officers hugged him, congratulated him and shook his hands. Crowds of officers and people came up just to look at Lazarev. The roar of Russian French conversation and laughter stood in the square around the tables. Two officers with flushed faces, cheerful and happy, walked past Rostov.
- What is the treat, brother? “Everything is on silver,” said one. – Have you seen Lazarev?
- Saw.
“Tomorrow, they say, the Preobrazhensky people will treat them.”
- No, Lazarev is so lucky! 10 francs life pension.
- That's the hat, guys! - shouted the Transfiguration man, putting on the shaggy Frenchman’s hat.
- It’s a miracle, how good, lovely!
-Have you heard the review? - the guards officer said to the other. The third day was Napoleon, France, bravoure; [Napoleon, France, courage;] yesterday Alexandre, Russie, grandeur; [Alexander, Russia, greatness;] one day our sovereign gives feedback, and the next day Napoleon. Tomorrow the Emperor will send George to the bravest of the French guards. It's impossible! I must answer in kind.
Boris and his friend Zhilinsky also came to watch the Transfiguration banquet. Returning back, Boris noticed Rostov, who was standing at the corner of the house.
- Rostov! Hello; “We never saw each other,” he told him, and could not resist asking him what had happened to him: Rostov’s face was so strangely gloomy and upset.
“Nothing, nothing,” answered Rostov.
-Will you come in?
- Yes, I’ll come in.
Rostov stood at the corner for a long time, looking at the feasters from afar. A painful work was going on in his mind, which he could not complete. Terrible doubts arose in my soul. Then he remembered Denisov with his changed expression, with his humility, and the whole hospital with these torn off arms and legs, with this dirt and disease. It seemed to him so vividly that he could now smell this hospital smell of a dead body that he looked around to understand where this smell could come from. Then he remembered this smug Bonaparte with his white hand, who was now the emperor, whom Emperor Alexander loves and respects. What are the torn off arms, legs, and killed people for? Then he remembered the awarded Lazarev and Denisov, punished and unforgiven. He caught himself having such strange thoughts that he was frightened by them.
The smell of food from the Preobrazhentsev and hunger brought him out of this state: he had to eat something before leaving. He went to the hotel he had seen in the morning. At the hotel he found so many people, officers, just like him, who had arrived in civilian dress, that he had to force himself to have dinner. Two officers from the same division joined him. The conversation naturally turned to peace. The officers and comrades of Rostov, like most of the army, were dissatisfied with the peace concluded after Friedland. They said that if they had held out any longer, Napoleon would have disappeared, that he had no crackers or ammunition in his troops. Nikolai ate in silence and mostly drank. He drank one or two bottles of wine. The internal work that arose in him, not being resolved, still tormented him. He was afraid to indulge in his thoughts and could not leave them. Suddenly, at the words of one of the officers that it was offensive to look at the French, Rostov began to shout with vehemence, which was not justified in any way, and therefore greatly surprised the officers.
– And how can you judge what would be better! - he shouted with his face suddenly flushed with blood. - How can you judge the actions of the sovereign, what right do we have to reason?! We cannot understand either the goals or the actions of the sovereign!
“Yes, I didn’t say a word about the sovereign,” the officer justified himself, unable to explain his temper otherwise than by the fact that Rostov was drunk.
But Rostov did not listen.
“We are not diplomatic officials, but we are soldiers and nothing more,” he continued. “They tell us to die—that’s how we die.” And if they punish, it means he is guilty; It's not for us to judge. It pleases the sovereign emperor to recognize Bonaparte as emperor and enter into an alliance with him—that means it must be so. Otherwise, if we began to judge and reason about everything, then there would be nothing sacred left. This way we will say that there is no God, there is nothing,” Nikolai shouted, hitting the table, very inappropriately, according to the concepts of his interlocutors, but very consistently in the course of his thoughts.
“Our job is to do our duty, to hack and not think, that’s all,” he concluded.
“And drink,” said one of the officers, who did not want to quarrel.
“Yes, and drink,” Nikolai picked up. - Hey, you! Another bottle! - he shouted.
In 1808, Emperor Alexander traveled to Erfurt for a new meeting with Emperor Napoleon, and in high society in St. Petersburg there was a lot of talk about the greatness of this solemn meeting.
In 1809, the closeness of the two rulers of the world, as Napoleon and Alexander were called, reached the point that when Napoleon declared war on Austria that year, the Russian corps went abroad to assist their former enemy Bonaparte against their former ally, the Austrian emperor; to the point that in high society they talked about the possibility of a marriage between Napoleon and one of the sisters of Emperor Alexander. But, in addition to external political considerations, at this time the attention of Russian society was especially keenly drawn to the internal transformations that were being carried out at that time in all parts of public administration.
Life, meanwhile, the real life of people with their essential interests of health, illness, work, rest, with their interests of thought, science, poetry, music, love, friendship, hatred, passions, went on as always, independently and without political affinity or enmity with Napoleon Bonaparte, and beyond all possible transformations.
Prince Andrei lived in the village for two years without a break. All those enterprises on estates that Pierre started and did not bring to any result, constantly moving from one thing to another, all these enterprises, without showing them to anyone and without noticeable labor, were carried out by Prince Andrei.
He had, to a high degree, that practical tenacity that Pierre lacked, which, without scope or effort on his part, set things in motion.
One of his estates of three hundred peasant souls was transferred to free cultivators (this was one of the first examples in Russia); in others, corvee was replaced by quitrent. In Bogucharovo, a learned grandmother was written out to his account to help mothers in labor, and for a salary the priest taught the children of peasants and courtyard servants to read and write.
Prince Andrei spent half of his time in Bald Mountains with his father and son, who was still with the nannies; the other half of the time in the Bogucharov monastery, as his father called his village. Despite the indifference he showed Pierre to all the external events of the world, he diligently followed them, received many books, and to his surprise he noticed when fresh people came to him or his father from St. Petersburg, from the very whirlpool of life, that these people, in knowledge of everything that is happening in foreign and domestic policy, they are far behind him, who sits in the village all the time.
In addition to classes on names, in addition to general reading of a wide variety of books, Prince Andrei was at this time engaged in a critical analysis of our last two unfortunate campaigns and drawing up a project to change our military regulations and regulations.
In the spring of 1809, Prince Andrei went to the Ryazan estates of his son, whom he was guardian.
Born on July 26, 1941 in the village of Peresis, Gorodnyansky district, Chernigov region of Ukraine, in a large peasant family. Father and two older brothers died during the Great Patriotic War. The mother and her three remaining children managed to survive the occupation. In 1959, after graduating from high school, on a Komsomol voucher, he went to the construction of Magnitogorsk in the city of Temirtau, Karaganda region (Kazakh SSR), where he worked as a carpenter in the construction department of Zhilstroy of the Kazmetallurgstroy trust: he worked as a carpenter in the construction of a metallurgical plant. In August 1959, he witnessed the dispersal of a demonstration of local workers striking against rising food prices and cuts in labor prices. These events, he said, strengthened his resolve to become a lawyer. Since 1960, he served in the army in the engineering corps. In 1963 he entered the law faculty of Irkutsk State University, and in 1968 he entered graduate school at the same university; worked as an assistant and senior lecturer at the department of state law and Soviet construction. He dealt with problems of coordination in the system of local councils, first specializing in the constitutional law of foreign countries. Later, having switched to teaching at the Faculty of Law of Omsk State University, he was also a specialist in the field of economic law as an assistant professor in the department of labor, economic and agricultural law (1975-1991). In the 1970s he began to work on environmental issues; During these years, he was a lecturer at the Knowledge Society and spoke at various enterprises dedicated to this topic. In 1979, shortly after the entry of Soviet troops into Afghanistan, in one of his lectures he gave this event a negative assessment, which was the reason for his removal from public speaking. From 1991 to 1993 - head of the department of state law, management and Soviet construction at the Faculty of Law of Omsk State University (currently the department of state and municipal law).
Political activity
In the spring of 1989, he was nominated as a candidate for people's deputies of the USSR in the Omsk national-territorial electoral district No. 22 (Omsk and Tyumen regions). In his election program he called for abandoning expensive programs (BAM, drainage transfer northern rivers to the south, the construction of giant hydroelectric power stations), spoke in favor of reducing Armed Forces(with the provision of firm social guarantees to military personnel transferred to the reserve). He showed himself to be an opponent of administrative pressure in agricultural policy and advocated easing tax policy in the agricultural sector, long-term loans, creating a system of benefits and stimulating rentals. He called for the development of a constitutional mechanism for removing senior state officials from power in the event of their violation of the Constitution and abuse of official position. He proposed creating a legislative framework for nature conservation, introducing paid nature management and environmental education. After his election, he became a member of the Interregional Deputy Group, and since 1990 he was also a member of the group “For Radical Military Reform.” During these years, he worked in the Committee of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR on issues of ecology and rational use of natural resources, and was known as the main developer of the bill “On the judicial liability of political parties and mass movements that have committed a crime against their people, peace and humanity.” Alexey Ivanovich considered it necessary to exercise control over the relevant ministries by the relevant commission of the Supreme Council, and spoke out for the right of the Congress and the Supreme Council to express no confidence in the government and individual ministers. At the First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, after being elected to the Supreme Soviet, he made a statement about refusing this place in favor of B. N. Yeltsin. In October 1991, at the V Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR, he ran for membership in the Constitutional Court, but was not elected. In the same month, he was elected by the Russian Supreme Council to the new composition of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.
After the liquidation of the Union Parliament, he returned to scientific and pedagogical activities. In 1992-1993 was the chairman of the Committee on Nationalities, Religions and Public Organizations of the Administration of the Omsk Region. He took part in the development of programs for the development of interethnic relations, as well as the economic and social revival of the Siberian Cossacks. He was the author of the idea of creating the Azov German National District in the Omsk Region, and supported the transfer of all religious buildings in the region to the ownership of the relevant faiths. From February 1993 to February 1994 - a member of the Presidential Council, took part in the preparation of the 1993 referendum, and as a competent specialist participated in the development of chapters of the draft of the new Constitution of the Russian Federation that corresponded to the profile of activities. During the constitutional crisis of 1993, he fully supported the actions of the President in his confrontation with the Supreme Council.
Prosecutor General of Russia
In October 1993, he became co-chairman of the Omsk regional branch of the “Choice of Russia” movement. On October 5, 1993, immediately after the dissolution of the Supreme Council, he was appointed Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation according to the decree of President B. N. Yeltsin. He replaced V. G. Stepankov in this position, who collaborated with the Supreme Council after the decree on its dissolution. Appointed on the recommendation of V.V. Ilyushin, who won the apparatus struggle with A.V. Korzhakov, who proposed A.N. Ilyushenko for the position. In this position, he supervised the completion of the investigation of criminal cases related to the attempted coup in August 1991 and the coup d'etat in October 1993. He resigned from his position on February 26, 1994 after he showed integrity and refused (contrary to Yeltsin’s orders and unprecedented pressure from his Administration) to interfere with the implementation of the State Duma’s resolution on amnesty for participants in the events of 1991 and 1993. He stated that throughout his work at the prosecutor’s office he experienced constant pressure and interference in the investigation of “political cases from above.” However, taking advantage of the dispute over the division of constitutional powers between the President and the Federal Assembly, he announced that he was forced to resign and expressed a desire to continue working, but after months of consultations with senators he agreed to resign. Officially dismissed by decision of the Federation Council on April 25, 1994.
Since February 1994, he was involved in organizing the Party of People's Conscience, which actually existed only in Omsk. Among the possible allies of his party he named the Yavlinsky-Boldyrev-Lukin bloc and the St. Petersburg Regional Party of the Center. In April 1995, after the founding congress of the party, as its chairman, he announced that an agreement had been reached on cooperation to create a broad bloc of centrist forces with the Workers' Self-Government Party of S. N. Fedorov and the People's Party of Russia T. Kh. Gdlyan. In December 1995, he ran as a candidate for deputy of the State Duma of the 2nd convocation from the Workers' Self-Government Party (the party did not overcome the five percent threshold).
Personal Information
In 1970 he defended his PhD thesis on the topic “The coordination function of local Councils of Workers’ Deputies in modern period(based on materials from Eastern Siberia).” Doctor of Law (1991, dissertation topic “Regional problems of legal protection of nature in the USSR”). The scientific scope of the works of A.I. Kazannik is extremely broad: in the 1960s. - Soviet state law, since the 1970s. - legal protection of nature. Today his interests include problems of scientific organization of managerial work and office work in government agencies.
He has the title “Honored Lawyer of the Russian Federation” (May 2006, “for services to the development of legal science and training of legal personnel”)
Married, has two sons. He enjoys hiking and has kayaked across the lake. Baikal, reading classical literature.
