In the summer of 1990, work began on the preparation of a fundamentally new document, which was to become the basis of the state. The majority of members of the Politburo and the leadership of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR opposed the revision of the foundations of the Union Treaty of 1922. Therefore, Gorbachev began to fight against them with the help of B. N. Yeltsin, who was elected Chairman of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR, and the leaders of other union republics, who supported his course towards reforming the Soviet Union.
The main idea included in the draft of the new treaty was the provision of broad rights to the union republics, primarily in the economic sphere (and later even their acquisition of economic sovereignty). However, it soon became clear that Gorbachev was not ready to do this either. From the end of 1990, the union republics, now enjoying great freedom, decided to act independently: a series of bilateral agreements were concluded between them in the field of economics.
Meanwhile, the situation in Lithuania became sharply more complicated, the Supreme Council of which adopted laws one after another that formalized in practice the sovereignty of the republic. In January 1991, Gorbachev, in the form of an ultimatum, demanded that the Supreme Council of Lithuania restore the full validity of the USSR Constitution, and after their refusal, he introduced additional military formations into the republic. This caused clashes between the army and the population in Vilnius, which resulted in the death of 14 people. The tragic events in the capital of Lithuania caused a violent reaction throughout the country, once again compromising the Union Center.
On March 17, 1991, a referendum was held on the fate of the USSR. Every citizen who had the right to vote received a ballot with the question: “Do you consider it necessary to preserve the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics as a renewed federation of equal sovereign republics, in which the rights and freedoms of a person of any nationality will be fully guaranteed?” 76% of the population of the huge country spoke in favor of maintaining a single state. However, it was no longer possible to stop the collapse of the USSR.
Simultaneously with the referendum on preserving the Union, a second referendum was held - on the establishment of the post of president. The majority of Russians supported the parliament's decision on the need to introduce the post of President of the RSFSR. Following Russia, presidential posts were introduced in most of the union republics. The elections were won by representatives of the forces that advocated independence from the center.
In the summer of 1991, the first ever presidential elections in Russia took place. During the election campaign, the leading candidate from the “democrats,” Yeltsin, actively played the “national card,” inviting Russia’s regional leaders to take as much sovereignty as they “could eat.” This largely ensured his victory in the elections. B. N. Yeltsin won the elections with 57% of the votes. Gorbachev's position weakened even more. Growing economic difficulties required speeding up the development of a new Union Treaty. The Union leadership was now primarily interested in this. In the summer, Gorbachev agreed to all the conditions and demands presented by the union republics. According to the draft of the new treaty, the USSR was supposed to turn into a Union of Sovereign States, which would include both former union and autonomous republics on equal terms. In terms of the form of unification, it was more like a confederation. It was also assumed that new union authorities would be formed. The signing of the agreement was scheduled for August 20, 1991.
The process of concluding a union treaty was disrupted by an attempt to introduce a state of emergency. The signing of a new agreement meant the liquidation of a number of unified government structures (a single Ministry of Internal Affairs, the KGB, the army leadership). This caused discontent among conservative forces in the country's leadership. In the absence of President M. S. Gorbachev, on the night of August 19, the State Emergency Committee was created, which included Vice President G. Yanaev, Prime Minister V. Pavlov, and Minister of Defense D. Yazov. The State Emergency Committee declared a state of emergency, suspended the activities of political parties (with the exception of the CPSU), and banned rallies and demonstrations (see Appendix 9). The leadership of the RSFSR condemned the actions of the State Emergency Committee as an attempt at an anti-constitutional coup. Muscovites stood up to defend the building of the Supreme Soviet of Russia. On August 21, the conspirators were arrested, M. S. Gorbachev returned to Moscow. The August putsch changed the balance of power in the country. B. N. Yeltsin became a folk hero who prevented a coup. M. S. Gorbachev lost influence.
After these events, work on the union treaty continued in significantly changed political conditions. The leadership of the RSFSR, supported by Ukraine and some other republics, sought to change the status of the renewed Union (instead of a federation - a confederation) and minimize the powers of the union bodies. By decision of the Extraordinary Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, work on completing the union treaty was entrusted to the State Council, consisting of the President of the USSR and senior officials of the republics, which began to develop new edition project. At meetings of the State Council on September 16, November 14 and 25, 1991, the leaders of the republics spoke in favor of creating a new political union - the Union of Sovereign States (USS). By a resolution of the State Council of November 25, 1991, the President of the USSR and the leaders of 8 republics sent the agreed draft of the union treaty to the Supreme Councils of the Republics, the reorganized Supreme Council of the USSR, for approval. It was supposed to form authorized delegations of states to finalize the text and sign it in December 1991. By decision of the State Council, the draft union treaty was published in the press.
After the referendum on independence held in Ukraine on December 1, 1991, the controversial concept of “Union without a Center” prevailed in leadership circles, formalized on December 8, 1991 in the form of the “Belovezhskaya Agreement” - “Agreement between the Republic of Belarus, the Russian Federation (RSFSR) and Ukraine on the creation CIS”, signed by B. N. Yeltsin, L. M. Kravchuk and S. Yu. Shushkevich, without informing M. S. Gorbachev. This was an agreement to terminate the Union Treaty of 1922 and liquidate the USSR. Instead of the USSR, the creation of a commonwealth of independent states was proclaimed.
The liquidation of the USSR automatically meant the liquidation of the bodies of the former Union. The Supreme Soviet of the USSR was dissolved, and the Union ministries were liquidated. In December 1991, M. S. Gorbachev resigned from the post of president. Soviet Union ceased to exist.
Having remained unrealized, the draft Treaty on the Union of Sovereign States of November 25, 1991 is of interest to history as a document in which an attempt was made to organically combine the interests, rights and responsibilities of the states forming the Union. This is the last - before the collapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics - legitimate project, which, along with the Union Declaration of Human Rights and Freedoms, was supposed to become the new constitutional basis of the Union.
The collapse of the Soviet Union left a very complex legacy to Russia in the form of an economic crisis, general social discontent and the absence of real Russian statehood. Thus, it was necessary to act simultaneously in several directions. To achieve success, it was necessary to define both the goals of the changes and the priorities for achieving them, which made the development of a specific reform program extremely urgent. In the context of the collapse of the moderate and conservative models of the perestroika period, the victory of the very radical concept of a democratic liberal market state with an orientation towards Western countries was quite natural for Russia. It was this idea that the leadership circles that came to power tried to implement.
The economy was getting out of government control. The pressure of social factors was increasingly felt - mass strikes, economic blockades, shutdown of industrial facilities due to pollution environment, especially nuclear power plants. In the unified national economic mechanism just yesterday, all this caused disruptions and destabilization, which became increasingly difficult to overcome amid the crisis. Production volumes began to decline, the state budget deficit increased, and the issue of the ruble led to increased inflationary trends.
In this situation, Ryzhkov’s government finally developed a program to overcome the crisis. It was prepared by a working group headed by the Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, Academician L.I. Abalkin. The program, presented at the end of May 1990 at a session of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, was based on the idea of stabilizing the economy as the main condition for its transition to a market economy. The chosen course of “stabilization first, and then the market” presupposed a combination of government principles with elements of market relations. It was planned to introduce market relations in three stages, starting from 1991-1992. Really deep market mechanisms, based on antimonopoly legislation and competition, allowing foreign investment and partial convertibility of the ruble, were supposed to be “launched” only in 1993-1995.
Simultaneously with the Ryzhkov-Abalkin government program, a more radical option was formulated, which eventually received the name “500 days.” It was prepared by a group of young economists, which included G. Yavlinsky, M. Zadornov, A. Mikhailov and a number of others. In “500 days” it was supposed to radically reform the economy, completely abandoning the regulatory role of the state, including pricing policy, and carry out widespread privatization. The main idea of the program thus boiled down to the regulatory role of the market. This more radical option was supported by opposition-minded deputies, and later by Yeltsin and the government of the RSFSR led by Silaev. In this situation, the implementation of the Ryzhkov-Abalkin program was virtually impossible, since the RSFSR wanted to get out of the crisis on the basis of more radical measures, and the programs were mutually exclusive. Then a compromise was reached between Gorbachev and Yeltsin, and an all-Union version of the “500 days” program was prepared, supplemented by 20 basic bills and known as the Shatalin-Yavlinsky plan. An important point The program was that its implementation was supposed to be carried out simultaneously throughout the entire territory of the former USSR, and therefore became a condition for the new nature of inter-republican relations based on an economic union. The question of how much the “500 days” program could really lead the country out of the economic crisis is one of the most controversial in modern literature. Researchers note its obvious gaps and significant shortcomings. Thus, the program did not develop clear mechanisms for privatization or monetary reform, and there was no clear concept of land ownership. But it was not these questions that determined the role of the “500 days” program in the political struggle of that time. In the fall of 1990, much more important was the fact that in the new model of the Soviet economy there was no place for union ministries and departments; the government of the USSR had to undergo radical reform. The main economic burden was transferred from the center to the republics. The consequence of this would inevitably be different powers and functions of the main institutions of the political system - the Congress of People's Deputies and the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, not to mention the Central Committee of the CPSU. In early October 1990, under the powerful pressure of forces whose interests the program was supposed to affect, it was defeated . Anti-market sentiments were even more clearly expressed at the plenum of the party Central Committee on October 9, 1990. Members of the Central Committee insisted that in the current situation, it was not economic reforms that came to the fore, but political decisions that could counter “extremist forces.” On the same day, at a session of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Gorbachev’s message “Main Directions for Stabilizing the National Economy and the Transition to a Market Economy” was discussed. The main idea of the message was that the President of the USSR rejected a decisive transition to the market and was inclined to an updated version of measures in the spirit of the Ryzhkov-Abalkin program. All that remains from the real transition to the market is market phraseology.
"Sovereignization"
By the beginning of 1990, almost all republics of the Union had adopted declarations of sovereignty. The Russian Federation's determination to implement the "500 days" program has taken the contradictions between the center and the republic to a new level. The fragile political alliance between Yeltsin and Gorbachev also cracked, but what is much more important is that an attempt at an economic union of the republics on a qualitatively new basis was blocked. On October 16, 1990, Yeltsin accused Ryzhkov of disrupting joint action union and Russian leadership on the transition to a market, said that the RSFSR intends to independently begin radical market transformations based on the division of the union and republican budget, property, army, weapons, and customs. The idea of Russia's economic independence acquired much more radical contours. Immediately after this, the government of the RSFSR begins to take practical steps to redistribute property. On November 1, the Supreme Council of the RSFSR discusses a law on transferring natural resources located on its territory into Russian ownership.
An increase in centrifugal tendencies was observed during the fall of 1990 in all republics of the USSR without exception. At the end of October 1990, the Second Congress of Rukh proclaimed the struggle for the independence of Ukraine and the restoration of a democratic republic on its territory through peaceful means. At the same time, the Free Georgia movement won a victory in Georgia. The Georgian parliament, headed by Z. Gamsakhurdia, adopted a set of measures for the transition to full independence of Georgia.
"Democrats" and "Partocrats"
In a situation of intensifying not only economic but also political crisis in November - December 1990, the polarization of political forces sharply increased. In all the diversity of parties and movements that became a reality of public life after the abolition of Article 6 of the Soviet Constitution, two main wings were clearly identified, called “democrats” and “partycrats” in the journalistic jargon of that time. On October 20-21, 1990, the unification of all democratic parties and organizations in the "Democratic Russia" movement. The end of October 1990 was the time when the development of "Demrossia" reached its highest point. It was at this moment that it included a diverse range of political forces of democratic orientation and, on the whole, had a very serious social base, which gradually eroded during 1991. At the end of October 1990, Demrossia included supporters of the Democratic Party of Russia and the Social Democratic Party Russian Federation, the Democratic Platform in the CPSU was a very representative force. Peasant and Christian parties, influential public organizations "April" and "Memorial", and the Young Russia Union joined the movement. A strong strategic component of "Demrossia" was the Confederation of Independent Trade Unions, which united representatives of the striking industries, where main force there were miners, and the military union "Shield". At the Founding Congress of "Demrossia" there was unpleasant criticism of Gorbachev, the conservative "power" ministers Yazov and Kryuchkov, and the Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR Lukyanov.
The process of consolidation also took place on the other flank of the then political spectrum. Against the backdrop of political divisions within the CPSU, sharp criticism of Gorbachev comes from ordinary party members committed to a planned market economy and socialist values. The center of their unification was the deputy group "Union" in the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, which essentially controlled the activities of the union parliament. Its ideologist and patron was Lukyanov.
The Soyuz group launched a decisive offensive at the session of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR in November 1990, sharply criticizing the President and Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR. Gorbachev tried to respond to the critical speeches of the deputies, but their activity only intensified after that. All the signs of a power crisis were evident. In this situation, Gorbachev was forced to make concessions, which he made public the next day in a statement called by journalists “Gorbachev’s Eight Points.” The document developed the idea of strengthening presidential power, which created the basis for the subsequent strengthening of union structures. Gorbachev also announced the transformation of the Council of Ministers into the Cabinet of Ministers, essentially predetermining Ryzhkov’s resignation. This statement temporarily secured Gorbachev's support from the Soyuz deputy group and became a signal of the activation of conservative forces in the highest echelon of power.
November - December 1990 passed under the banner of the conservative offensive. Thus, KGB Chairman Kryuchkov and Defense Minister Yazov speak from sharply conservative positions in a television interview. Gorbachev also continues to move towards conservative forces. On December 4, he replaced the Minister of Internal Affairs Bakatin with the much more conservative Pugo, whose first deputy was the legendary “Afghan” general B. Gromov. The newly appointed “security officials” are faced with the task of fighting organized crime and intensifying actions against centrifugal and nationalist forces. But Gorbachev’s most decisive steps “into the arms” of conservatives were made at the IV Congress of People’s Deputies, which opened on December 17, 1990. Evidence of Gorbachev’s “new game” was the election of the gray and expressionless former Komsomol worker G.N. Yanaev as vice-president of the USSR. The odiousness of this figure was striking against the backdrop of the “alternative candidates” - Foreign Minister Shevardnadze, who had already fully acquired his political face both in the country and abroad, and academician E.M. Primakov. Yanaev’s appointment caused a sharp reaction from Shevardnadze: on December 21, he made an emotional and somewhat chaotic speech from the rostrum of the congress, in which he announced his resignation and warned the world about the threat of a reactionary coup and the establishment of a dictatorship in the USSR. In December 1990, Ryzhkov’s government resigned, and instead of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, the Cabinet of Ministers was formed, headed by Prime Minister V.S. Pavlov.
Events in the Baltics
Conflicts between the republics and Moscow began to become permanent. The new point was that in order to “settle the situation,” representatives of foreign states began to offer their mediation services. Thus, F. Mitterrand and G. Kohl acted in this capacity, regulating relations between Moscow and Vilnius. But the stabilization of relations with Lithuania was temporary; the strengthening of conservative forces in the political leadership of the USSR led to a sharp deterioration of relations with Lithuania in January 1991. On January 10, 1991, Gorbachev sent an ultimatum to the Supreme Council of Lithuania, in which he demanded the full restoration of the effect of the USSR Constitution. After it became known in the republic about the decision of the USSR Ministry of Defense to use troops to carry out conscription for military service in Lithuania and Latvia, tension in these republics increased sharply. On the same day, units of internal troops and the Alpha special forces were sent to Vilnius. It was supposed to remove the government of the Popular Front from the leadership of the republic and transfer power to the Committee of Public Safety, behind which stood the fundamentalist forces of the Communist Party of Lithuania. On the night of January 12-13, 1991, units of the Soviet Army and the USSR KGB captured the Television Center in Vilnius, and as a result of clashes with the population, 14 people were killed. Barricades began to be built around the building of the Supreme Council of Lithuania. After these events, Gorbachev finally lost the support of even the pro-Moscow-minded part of the intelligentsia. The option of preserving power and the integrity of the country by force, tested by Gorbachev in Vilnius, became obvious to the whole country. The President’s assurances that he knew nothing and did not make any decisions on this issue looked completely absurd. A few days later, according to the same scenario, events were repeated in Riga. On January 22, Yeltsin strongly condemned the use of force in the Baltic states.
"Pavlovsk" reform
Almost immediately after these events, on January 24, 1991, literally “out of the blue,” the monetary reform collapsed. According to the reform, the exchange of 50- and 100-ruble banknotes of the 1961 model was supposed to be carried out in 3 days. Sberbank set limits on the issuance of cash deposits at 500 rubles. The country was gripped by general panic, people literally created pandemonium in front of the savings banks. As a result of the reform, which took place under the slogan of Prime Minister Pavlov “dealing a fatal blow to the shadow economy,” it was possible to remove from circulation from 5 to 10% of the supposed excess money supply. From the point of view of social consequences in a situation of constant shortage of food and basic consumer goods, inflation and general alarming expectations, it was difficult to imagine a more wild, ridiculous and barbaric action. The bitterness of the people reached its highest point; apparently, these days they finally realized that they could no longer expect anything good from the center.
In this situation, the Union government announced the introduction of joint police and military patrols of the streets of large cities from February 1, 1991.
"War of Laws"
After the unilateral transition of the RSFSR government to a program of market reforms, a “war of laws” began between the center and the republic. It literally paralyzed all constructive activity, the economic crisis deepened, and local authorities sometimes received mutually exclusive orders from two competing structures. A similar situation developed in almost all union republics.
The idea of concluding a new Union Treaty has been discussed by Gorbachev since the late 1980s. It received particular relevance during the First Congress of People's Deputies and at first was based on the concept of the broadest possible republican cost accounting. The apologists for this idea were the Baltic republics, and wariness was shown towards it in Central Asia, where the republics were regularly and in significant quantities subsidized from the center. At the end of August 1990, at a joint meeting of the Presidential Council and the Federation Council of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, a decision was finally made to create a Preparatory Committee for the development of a new Union Treaty from representatives of the republics and their leaders with the participation of the President of the USSR. Two main options for the treaty were discussed. The first was based on the preservation of the existing union vertical of power with its significant reform and represented a kind of updated version of the federation. The second involved the liquidation of union bodies and the establishment of horizontal ties between the republics, which were to become a condition for the functioning of the new Union on a confederal basis. On November 23, all republics, with the exception of the Baltic states and Georgia, began discussing a new Union Treaty. The text of the document did not talk about socialism; instead of the USSR, it was proposed to call the country the “Union of Soviet Sovereign Republics.” However, the influence of the center, which continued to insist on a federal structure, was felt literally in every article. Knowing the insufficiently radical nature of the new Union Treaty and its general unattractiveness for the republics, Yeltsin made a number of independent efforts in this direction. Preempting Gorbachev's actions by three days, on November 20, 1990, he concluded a bilateral agreement with Ukraine, according to which both republics recognized each other's sovereignty and declared the need for economic cooperation without the participation of the union center. A similar document two days later was signed between Russia and Kazakhstan, and following the signing, Yeltsin stated that this agreement lays the model for the new Union and forms the core around which it will be built. These actions of Yeltsin made the discussion of the presented text of the new Union Treaty at least a belated political step. In December 1990, the IV Congress of People's Deputies discussed the idea of the Union Treaty and decided to hold a referendum on the issue of preserving USSR.
After the events in the Baltic states, wariness in the republics regarding their own sovereignty and the measures that the center is capable of taking to limit it has increased sharply. These events became the reason for Yeltsin’s statement about the need to create his own Russian army. In February, the republics distanced themselves even more from the center, and the trend towards integration and preservation of a single space is gradually moving to the level of concluding inter-republican agreements without the Gorbachev center. On January 14, 1991, Yeltsin publicly announced the desire of Russia, Ukraine, Belarus and Kazakhstan to conclude a quadripartite agreement even before the new Union Treaty. Gorbachev, who continued, contrary to common sense, to act blindly in crisis situations, refused in advance to recognize the results of the referendum on the independence of Lithuania, declaring it unconstitutional. On February 10, 1991, a referendum was held in the republic. 90% of those who took part in the voting supported the independence of Lithuania.
The political and legal confrontation between Moscow and the union republics continued until the “pacification” in Novo-Ogarevo on April 23, 1991.
March referendum
The crisis of federal relations in the absence of a clear political line of the center and Gorbachev’s constant vacillations threatened the transition of centrifugal tendencies to a qualitatively new level. After the referendum on the independence of Lithuania, the process of the republics leaving the USSR could begin at any moment. The authority of the center fell literally day by day, and after social discontent with the Pavlovsk confiscation and the Vilnius events it found itself practically at zero. To improve the situation in this regard, to find at least some temporary balance between the center and the republics, and finally to delay time, a referendum on the preservation of the USSR was supposed to be held. The idea of a referendum became the subject of discussion on January 16, 1991 at the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. At the referendum scheduled for On March 17, 1991, citizens of the USSR were asked to answer the question: “Do you consider it necessary to preserve the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics as a renewed federation of equal sovereign republics, in which the rights and freedoms of people of any nationality will be fully guaranteed?” The very formulation of the question initially turned the referendum into an object of political manipulation. Indeed, what could the words “renewed federation” mean, how exactly was it supposed to guarantee “the rights and freedoms of a person of any nationality” in it? And finally, is it even possible to ask the citizens of the country whether they consider it necessary to preserve the state itself? In addition, the referendum was held in each republic according to its own rules; In addition to the main one, citizens were asked to simultaneously answer other “clarifying” questions. In some republics the referendum was not held at all. Nevertheless, 148.6 million people took part in the voting, or about 80% of the citizens of the USSR who had the right to vote. 113.5 million people, or 76.4%, were in favor of preserving the USSR. At the same time, 80% of Russians, answering the “additional” question, supported the holding of general elections for the President of the RSFSR.
As one would expect, the results of the referendum were ambiguous and did not clarify the situation with federal relations, which only increased the confusion on the ground. On March 28, the Extraordinary Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR met, the decisive attitude of which frightened the Union leadership, and it undertook another “trying on” of power politics. On the opening day of the congress, troops were brought into the capital, the center of Moscow was surrounded. These actions caused a stormy protest from deputies, who suspended the work of the congress until the troops were withdrawn from the city. All this only led to increased political polarization. A split occurred among the communist part of the deputies at the congress. A group of communists led by A. Rutsky announced their support for Yeltsin and the creation of the “Communists for Democracy” faction. Yeltsin was also supported by the miners of Kuzbass, who adopted a number of radical resolutions in his support. In this situation, the congress granted Yeltsin additional powers and agreed to hold popular elections of the President of the RSFSR in June 1991.
Growth of the strike movement
The strike movement in the winter and spring of 1991 became an increasingly powerful factor in the confrontation between the center and the RSFSR. At the end of February and beginning of March, Moscow and Leningrad were literally overwhelmed by a wave of mass demonstrations and counter-demonstrations. The confrontation between Russian reformers and the center spilled over onto television screens, as Russia got its own television channel. Yeltsin on television demanded the resignation of Gorbachev and the dissolution of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. The demands of the “democrats” received support from independent trade unions, especially in the coal basins of Donbass, Kuzbass and Vorkuta. On March 1, a powerful miners' strike began. Along with the demand for an increase in wages in connection with the increase in retail prices scheduled for April 2, the miners put forward a whole “package” of political demands. The main demands were the resignation of Gorbachev, the dissolution of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, the nationalization of the property of the CPSU, a real multi-party system, and the prohibition of the activities of primary party organizations in enterprises and institutions (departization).
At the same time, the economic situation worsened even more in early spring. Due to the collapse of inter-republican ties, the Union budget did not receive about 40% of revenues from the republics. The decline in production reached 5%, the national income of the USSR decreased by 10%. From April 1, 1991, Pavlov's government increased retail prices by 2-5 times for almost all food and industrial goods of everyday demand, hoping to thereby stop the rush demand and end the commodity shortage, and reduce the inflation that had begun. With such a price increase wage increased only by 20-30%, a one-time compensation of 60 rubles was issued. After the April price increase, social tension increased sharply; hundreds of labor collectives joined the striking miners. Their demands, along with economic ones, were of a radical political nature. In addition to the resignation of Gorbachev and the Union Cabinet of Ministers, the strikers demanded the restoration of private ownership of land, elections based on a real multi-party system, and the departition of enterprises. In April 1991, the total number of strikers exceeded 1 million people. The strikes stopped only after the authorities agreed to transfer some enterprises to republican jurisdiction and stop transferring profits to the union budget.
"Novo-Ogarevsky process"
The main conclusion made by the center following the results of the March referendum was to intensify preparations for the text of the new Union Treaty. On April 23, 1991, at Gorbachev’s country residence in Novo-Ogarevo, a meeting was held between the leaders of nine union republics (Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Azerbaijan) and the President of the USSR, as a result of which a joint statement was made, called "9+1". In this statement, the way out of the crisis in federal relations was considered as the preparation and coordination of the text of a new Union Treaty. The “9+1” statement became, perhaps, Gorbachev’s only trump card at the plenum of the party’s Central Committee at the end of April 1991, when 45 of the 75 first secretaries spoke in favor of his resignation from his post Secretary General.
At the same time, numerous meetings to agree on the text of the new Union Treaty, which took place in Novo-Ogarevo in May - July 1991, revealed significant contradictions and discrepancies both in the position of the republics and in the relations between them and the Union center. The main question still came down to the relationship between the powers of the center and the republics. Russia and especially Ukraine insisted on confederal relations. Representatives of the center, among whom Lukyanov played the “first fiddle,” insisted on closer federal ties. Gorbachev sought in this situation to demonstrate “movement forward” and publicly assured that the text would be ready for signing in July.
Yeltsin - President of the RSFSR
Meanwhile, presidential elections began in the RSFSR, which for the first time were of a nationwide nature and were held on an alternative basis. Although six candidates were put up for the popular vote, voters in that situation were more likely guided by the choice between the same “democrats” and “partycrats.” On June 12, 1991, in the first round of elections, Yeltsin won, receiving 57% of the votes from those who took part in the voting. As a result of this victory, Yeltsin acquired qualitatively new status, reached a new level of legitimacy. And this level was an order of magnitude higher than that of his main rival in the political struggle at that time - Gorbachev, who received his powers not from the people, but from a representative body represented by the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR with well-known maneuvers on “procedural issues”.
New alliance treaty
On July 24, 1991, on the eve of the next plenum of the Central Committee, Gorbachev solemnly announced that work on the text of the Union Treaty had been completed. The text, published on August 14, was extremely controversial. Thus, it was completely unclear what the term “sovereign” states means in relation to republics from the point of view international law, questions arose about republican and union property, about the extent of the breadth of republican rights. There was also vague talk about tax collections from the republics to the union budget. The status of six former republics of the USSR that did not participate in the Novo-Ogarevo process (Armenia, Georgia, Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia and Moldova) was also passed over in silence. During the negotiations, the republics managed to achieve very significant concessions from Gorbachev, which indicated his evolution towards a less conservative course. So, for example, the Russian language, while retaining its status as a language of interethnic communication, ceased to be the state language; the heads of the republics participated in meetings of the Union Cabinet of Ministers with the right to a decisive vote; military-industrial complex enterprises were transferred to the joint jurisdiction of the center and the republics. However, this did not seem enough, and Ukraine, for example, made it clear that regardless of the nature of the discussion, it would sign a new Union Treaty only after the adoption of its Constitution. All republics Central Asia, without informing Moscow, they concluded a system of bilateral agreements among themselves. This next strengthening of centrifugal tendencies had very solid foundations, since most of the participants in the Novo-Ogarevo process were already popularly elected presidents of their republics. At the same time, conservative-minded forces saw in the text of the new Union Treaty an immediate threat of “selling out the socialist Motherland.” The only common structure in this situation was the CPSU, which was rapidly disintegrating.
Degradation of the CPSU
In the summer of 1990, the last XXVIII Congress of the CPSU took place within the Union, which recorded a state of ideological and organizational crisis. Three main currents have clearly emerged in the party - social democratic, centrist and fundamentalist. In 1989-1990 The Communist Parties of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia left the CPSU. The process of decentralization also covered related structures - the Komsomol and official trade unions. At the congress, Gorbachev and his team announced the idea of rebuilding the party in the spirit of the Western social democratic model. Although this idea was approved at the last party congress in the resolution “Towards a humane democratic socialism”, it was never put into practice. At the congress, Yeltsin defiantly left the party, which became a signal for the outflow of “democrats” from the ranks of the CPSU and the basis for the creation of a new mass party. In the fall of 1990, the process of ordinary communists leaving the party and the self-dissolution of primary party organizations at enterprises began, which most actively took place in higher educational and scientific institutions. At the beginning of July 1991, Yakovlev, Shevardnadze and other popular political figures at the time called for the creation of a new mass organization - the “Movement of Democratic Reforms”. On July 20, 1991, Yeltsin signed a decree on departition, according to which the activities of party organizations and their committees in enterprises and organizations were prohibited. The decree became a significant factor in the collapse of the CPSU, the “last straw” that filled the “cup of patience” of conservative and fundamentalist forces. At the end of the month, at the plenum of the Central Committee, Gorbachev was forced to admit that 5 million people had left the party and its number had decreased from 21 to 15 million people.
August putsch
After the end of the Novo-Ogarevo process, Gorbachev, Yeltsin and Nazarbayev met to discuss the “personnel issue.” It was about the personal composition of the top leadership of the USSR after the signing of a new Union Treaty, scheduled for August 20, 1991. An agreement was reached between the meeting participants to eliminate the most conservative “siloviki” - Yazov, Kryuchkov and Pugo, as well as Prime Minister Pavlov, who called literally the hatred of the people after the monetary reform and the April price increase. After this meeting, Gorbachev went on vacation to his Crimean dacha in Foros.
This prompted further developments. From August 4 to August 17, active preparations were made for the introduction of a state of emergency in the country. On August 18, Baklanov, Shenin, Boldin, Varennikov and Plekhanov arrived in Foros, who introduced Gorbachev to the composition of the future State Committee for the State of Emergency (GKChP) and offered to sign the corresponding decree. Gorbachev, who refused to do this, was isolated in his residence on the night of August 18-19. On the morning of August 19, all media broadcast a statement from the State Emergency Committee that Gorbachev could not perform his duties “for health reasons,” and his powers were transferred to Vice President Yanaev. In order to prevent chaos and anarchy, a state of emergency was introduced in certain areas. To govern the country, the State Emergency Committee of the USSR was formed, which included Minister of Defense Yazov and his first deputy Baklanov, KGB Chairman Kryuchkov, Minister of Internal Affairs Pugo, Prime Minister Pavlov, appointed acting President of the USSR Yanaev, as well as Chairman of the Peasant Union of the USSR V. Starodubtsev and President of the Association of State Enterprises and Industrial Construction Facilities, Transport and Communications of the USSR A. Tizyakov. By its decisions, the State Emergency Committee suspended the activities of political parties and organizations, introduced censorship, and banned rallies and demonstrations. At the same time, he announced a populist program of economic and social measures (he promised to reduce prices for some goods, provide all city residents with summer cottages, provide assistance to the village, etc.). Television broadcast these statements every half hour, broadcasting P.I. Tchaikovsky’s ballet during breaks for some reason.” Swan Lake", which became a kind of calling card of those August days.
On August 19, tanks and armored personnel carriers were brought into Moscow and a curfew was declared. This caused exactly the opposite reaction from the townspeople, some of whom went to the “White House”, where the Supreme Council of the RSFSR was then located, in the hope of obtaining at least some information. Russian politicians (Yeltsin, who served as Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR, Khasbulatov and Silaev) in their statement “To the Citizens of Russia” called the State Emergency Committee a “reactionary, anti-constitutional coup” and demanded the convening of an Extraordinary Congress of People’s Deputies of the USSR. An open confrontation began between the State Emergency Committee and the Russian leadership, which supported All larger number Muscovites. Barricades began to be built around the “White House”, the approaches to it were blocked by trolleybuses and trucks, the soldiers who found themselves in the city on the orders of the State Emergency Committee did not intend to shoot at all and behaved quite friendly. The authority of the Russian leadership, which was seen as the only counterweight to the State Emergency Committee, grew literally hour by hour, and Yeltsin’s spectacular performance, climbing onto a tank, significantly increased his popularity. By his decree, the President of Russia reassigned all executive authorities of the USSR located on the territory of the RSFSR, including the KGB, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Ministry of Defense. On August 21, the “putschists” flew to Foros to meet with Gorbachev, who refused to accept them. A few hours later, Vice-President of the RSFSR A. Rutskoy and Prime Minister of the RSFSR I. Silaev arrived there. The leaders of the State Emergency Committee were arrested and put on trial. On the evening of August 21, Gorbachev returned to Moscow, where real political power already belonged to Yeltsin. All that remained was to secure this situation legally.
Referendums on the independence of the republics
The August putsch was precisely the event after which centrifugal processes reached a qualitatively new level. The collapse of the USSR began. Immediately after the State Emergency Committee came to power, on August 20, 1991, the Estonian parliament adopted a resolution on the state independence of the republic. The Latvian parliament adopted a similar document the next day. August 24, "based on mortal danger looming over Ukraine,” the Supreme Council of the republic proclaimed it an independent state. By the end of August, the same documents were adopted in Belarus, Moldova, Azerbaijan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan.
Prohibition of the CPSU and the course towards changing the social system in Russia
On August 23, Gorbachev, after returning to Moscow, met with deputies of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR, who sharply demanded that he dissolve the CPSU. He had no choice but to agree to this demand. Having uttered words about his commitment to communist ideals, Gorbachev resigned from the post of General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee and dissolved the Central Committee of the party. The activities of the CPSU on the territory of the RSFSR were suspended, and in November 1991, by Yeltsin’s decree, they were prohibited. The consequence of this was the liquidation of the CPSU as a single all-Union party. In district committees, registration cards were poured into bags, and documents from current archives were tied into piles. This caused conflicting feelings among ordinary communists - from the indignation of some to the relieved sigh of others. Some hastily threw under closed doors sealed statements from party committees about voluntary resignation from the party “retroactively”. But the majority were still perplexed about the expediency of such decisive actions, once again feeling like a “pawn” in someone’s big political game.
The removal from the political arena of the CPSU, although it no longer possessed the former political authority and power, eliminated the last obstacle to the implementation of Yeltsin’s decree “On ensuring the economic basis of the sovereignty of the RSFSR.” According to this decree, all enterprises of union subordination located on its territory became the property of the republic. The USSR Academy of Sciences and all higher educational institutions came under the jurisdiction of Russia. Russia stopped funding allied ministries and departments, except for the Ministry of Defense, the Ministry of Railways and the Ministry of Atomic Energy. On August 28, 1991, the State Bank of the USSR and Vnesheconombank of the USSR were transferred to the jurisdiction of the RSFSR. A rapid process of personnel replacements began at the highest state level. Heads of the media, new ministers and their deputies, rectors educational institutions Yesterday's associates of Yeltsin or people close to him were appointed. In the autumn and winter of 1991, a “change of teams” took place in the capital; similar events were held a little later in the regions.
Gorbachev tried with all his might to resume the Novo-Ogarevo process, drawing up another (but not very different from the previous) version of the Union Treaty. However, no one else took into account either Gorbachev’s authority or the allied structures. Each republic was much more preoccupied with its own problems. Ukraine refused to participate in the new round of the Novo-Ogarevo process, where a referendum on the status of the republic was scheduled for December 1. Its results were stunning: about 80% of citizens, including Russians population of Crimea, southern and south-eastern regions of the republic, voted for the independence of Ukraine. After this, L. Kravchuk, elected President of the Republic, refused to sign the Union Treaty in any form. On December 2, 1991, Yeltsin announced recognition of the independence of Ukraine. The last attempt at a political compromise thus failed. The deepest economic crisis in which the republics found themselves in the fall of 1991, contrary to the logic of normal economic development, led to increased economic isolationism in them. They were too tired of the center’s fruitless attempts to cope with the collapse of the economy and now tried to “swim out” on their own, increasing the already negative impact broken economic ties.
Liquidation of the USSR
A week after the Ukrainian referendum, on December 8, 1991, Yeltsin, Kravchuk and the President of Belarus S. Shushkevich gathered in Belovezhskaya Pushcha and announced that the USSR “as a subject of international law and a geopolitical reality ceases to exist.” They also concluded an agreement, later called the Belovezhsky Agreement, according to which Russia, Ukraine and Belarus united into the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). Over the next two days, the Belovezhskaya Agreement was ratified by the Supreme Councils of the three republics, and Armenia and Kyrgyzstan also joined it. After this, the collapse of the USSR became a fait accompli.
On December 21, 1991, at a meeting in Almaty, the heads of 11 republics of the former USSR signed a Declaration in support of the Belovezhskaya Agreement. Thus, all former Soviet republics became members of the CIS, except Georgia and the Baltic republics.
In connection with the cessation of the existence of the USSR, on December 25, 1991 at 19:00, USSR President Gorbachev resigned.
The rapid increase in the processes of disintegration is pushing the leadership of the USSR, led by Mikhail Gorbachev, to the following actions:
Conducting an all-Union referendum, in which the majority of voters spoke in favor of preserving the USSR;
The establishment of the post of President of the USSR in connection with the prospect of the CPSU losing power;
A project to create a new Union Treaty, in which the rights of the republics were significantly expanded.
12 June 1990 The Supreme Council of the RSFSR adopted the Declaration of State Sovereignty, establishing the priority of its laws over those of the All-Union. From that moment on, the process of the collapse of the USSR entered an active phase; All-Union authorities began to lose control over the country; The “parade of sovereignties” intensified.
January 12 1991 Yeltsin signs an agreement with Estonia on the fundamentals of interstate relations, in which RSFSR And Estonia recognize each other as sovereign states.
As Chairman of the Supreme Council, Yeltsin was able to achieve the establishment of the post of President of the RSFSR, and 12 June 1991 won the popular election for this position.
Collapse of the USSR in dates
1990 year:
1991 year:
12 December - RSFSR(in fact, a resolution on the denunciation of the Union Treaty)
None of the republics followed all the procedures prescribed by the USSR law dated April 3 1990 "On the procedure for resolving issues related to the secession of a union republic from the USSR." State Council of the USSR(created September 5 1991 a body consisting of the heads of the union republics chaired by the President of the USSR) formally recognized the independence of only three Baltic republics ( 6 September 1991 , resolutions of the USSR State Council No. GS-1, GS-2, GS-3). November 4 V. I. Ilyukhin opened a criminal case against Gorbachev under Article 64 of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR ( treason) in connection with these decisions of the State Council. According to Ilyukhin, Gorbachev, by signing them, violated his oath and Constitution of the USSR and caused damage to the territorial integrity and state security of the USSR. After this, Ilyukhin was fired from the USSR Prosecutor's Office.
Signing of the Belovezhskaya Accords. Founding of the CIS
December 8 1991 Presidents of 3 republics - Belarus, Russia And Ukraine- on meeting in Belovezhskaya Pushcha ( Belarus) stated that the USSR was ceasing to exist, declared the impossibility of forming the GCC and signed Establishment Agreement Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). The signing of the agreements caused a negative reaction from Gorbachev, but at that time he no longer had real power. As B.N. Yeltsin later emphasized, the Belovezhskaya Agreements did not dissolve the USSR, but only stated its actual collapse by that time.
December 11th Committee for Constitutional Supervision of the USSR issued a statement condemning the Bialowieza Agreement. This statement had no practical consequences.
12 December The Supreme Council of the RSFSR, chaired by R. I. Khasbulatova ratified the Belovezhskaya agreements and decided to denounce the RSFSR union treaty 1922 and on the recall of Russian deputies from the Supreme Soviet of the USSR
December 16 The last republic of the USSR - Kazakhstan - declared its independence. Thus, in the last 10 days of its existence, the USSR, which had not yet been legally abolished, was actually a state without territory.
21 December 1991 year at the meeting of presidents in Almaty, Kazakhstan 8 more republics joined the CIS: Azerbaijan, Armenia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, the so-called Almaty Agreement, which became the basis of the CIS.
The CIS was founded not as a confederation, but as international (interstate) organization, which is characterized by weak integration and a lack of real power among coordinating supranational bodies.
Authorities of the USSR and the USSR as subject of international law ceased to exist on December 25-26 1991 . Russia announced herself successor membership of the USSR (and not a legal successor, as is often erroneously indicated) in international institutions, assumed the debts of the USSR and declared itself the owner of all property of the USSR abroad.
December 25 USSR President M. S. Gorbachev announced the termination of his activities as President of the USSR “for reasons of principle,” signed a decree resigning from the powers of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Soviet Armed Forces and transferred control of the strategic nuclear weapons To the President of Russia B. Yeltsin.
Russia in the 1990sXXcentury. Gaidar's reforms. Yeltsin's economic policy.
Russia is undergoing a transition from Soviet political and economic systems to democracy And market economy. In this regard, political and economic ties with Western countries have improved, and “ cold war».
At the same time, as a result of the collapse of the USSR, many existing production chains were destroyed, which was a serious blow to the Russian economy. The territory of the newly independent states contained the majority of ice-free ports, a significant part of the merchant fleet, large sections of the former allied pipelines, and a significant number of high-tech enterprises (including nuclear power plants) built at the expense of the allied center.
Since the early 1990s, the country has experienced a natural population decline (see. Demographic situation in Russia).
In progress privatization in the mid-90s there was a strong stratification of society. Thus, the differences in income between the richest 20% and the poorest 20% of Russians changed from 3.3 times in the 1980s to 8.1-8.5 in 1995-2004, and funds ratio V 2004 reached 14.8 . The transfer of large state-owned enterprises into private hands was often determined not by economic, but by political considerations of the reformers and was carried out at greatly reduced prices.
The weakening of the functions of the state led to large-scale illegal export of capital from the country and a budget deficit. The economy suffered from financial speculation and the depreciation of the ruble, which was replaced by the dollar. High taxes led to a deterioration in their collection from enterprises. Due to a lack of funds, social obligations were not fulfilled, funding for free education and healthcare, science and culture fell sharply, and external debt increased. The crisis of non-payments and the replacement of cash payments barter worsened the general condition of the economy. IN 1991 -1998 GDP and industrial production fell by more than 40%, the standard of living of most of the population fell sharply.
Gaidar's reforms and Yeltsin's economic policy
December 1991 - decree on freedom of trade
January 1992 - price liberalization, hyperinflation, the beginning of voucher privatization
July-September 1993 - falling inflation rates, abolition of the USSR ruble (monetary reform).
With August 17 1998 - economic crisis, threat of default, fourfold collapse of the ruble exchange rate
After the collapse of the USSR, due to the destruction of many existing production chains and economic ties, the production-oriented economy means of production, military products and export of resources turned out to be unviable, and the government resorted to radical reforms. The territory of the former republics of the USSR contained the majority of ice-free ports, large sections of former Soviet pipelines, a significant number of high-tech enterprises (including NPP).
At the beginning of 1992, radical economic reform began to be carried out in the country, in particular, on January 2, the presidential decree on price liberalization. Already in the first months of the year, the market began to fill with consumer goods, but the monetary policy of issuing money (including in the former Soviet republics) led to hyperinflation: a sharp decline in real wages and pensions, a depreciation of bank savings, and a sharp drop in living standards.
The economy, out of government control, suffered from financial speculation and the depreciation of the ruble against hard currency. The crisis of non-payments and the replacement of cash payments with barter worsened the general condition of the country's economy. The results of the reforms became evident by the mid-1990s. On the one hand, a multi-structured market economy began to take shape in Russia, political and economic ties with Western countries improved, and the protection of human rights and freedoms was proclaimed as a priority of state policy. But in 1991-1995, GDP and industrial production fell by more than 20% , the standard of living of the majority of the population declined sharply, and the middle class made up 15-20% of the population by 1997-1998. [ source? ]
A number of the largest raw materials enterprises were privatized at loans-for-shares auctions and passed into the hands of new owners at prices many times lower than their real value. One hundred and forty-five thousand state-owned enterprises were transferred to new owners at tens of thousands of times lower total costs of only about one billion dollars. While now the capitalization of Gazprom ONE is $265 billion. At the same time, a number of studies (including those conducted by “ High school economy") showed an increase in the efficiency of some privatized enterprises compared to state-owned enterprises. [ source? ]
As a result of privatization in Russia, a class of so-called “ oligarchs" At the same time, a colossal number of people have emerged living below the poverty level.
IN 1992 There is a sudden increase in mortality caused by the impoverishment of the population and the collapse of the social sphere. From this time on, a constant population decline began. [ source? ]
Russia's huge public debt, low world prices for raw materials, which formed the basis of Russia's exports, as well as the populist economic policy of the state and the construction of GKO pyramids (state short-term bonds) led to defaulted August 1998.
Under the influence of hyperinflation, there was a deep deformation of all cost proportions and the ratio of prices for products of individual industries, which changed the cost bases of the financial, budgetary and monetary systems. The consumer price index increased 1,187 times from 1992 to 1995, and nominal wages increased 616 times. Tariffs for freight transportation increased over those years by 9.3 thousand times, and the product sales price index Agriculture by product manufacturers increased by only 780 times, 4.5 times less than in industry. The disequilibrium of income and expenses has reached such a level over the years of transformation that the mechanism of non-payments has ceased to cope with its balancing. (Babashkina A. M. State regulation of the national economy: Textbook. - M: Finance and Statistics, 2005.)
The structure of industrial production has also changed over the years of transformation. There was a decline in high-tech industries, technical degradation of the economy, and the collapse of modern technologies. [ source? ] The decline in production in Russia, in its scale and duration, significantly exceeded all peacetime crises known in history. In mechanical engineering, industrial construction, light industry, food industry and many others the most important industries production decreased by 4-5 times, expenses on scientific research and design development - by 10 times, and in certain areas - by 15-20 times. [ source? ] The main source of export income was raw materials. The share of the service sector has increased, but the share personal services decreased, and the share of circulation services increased. [ source? ] Export of raw materials made it possible to finance priority budgetary needs, but foreign economic relations acted more as a current market stabilizer of the economy, rather than a mechanism for increasing competitiveness. Foreign loans received by Russia for transformation and stabilization of the economy were an important means of balancing the budget. [ source? ]
During the transition to a market economy, a labor market appeared and unemployment increased. According to the methodology of the International Labor Organization ( ILO), at the beginning of 2003, 7.1% were economically unemployed active population(excluding hidden unemployment). The gap between the minimum and maximum unemployment levels by region was 36 times.
At the end of 1998 and beginning of 1999, a trend toward economic growth emerged. After the devaluation of August 1998, the competitiveness of imports was sharply reduced, which increased the demand for domestic goods from the food industry and other industries. The most important factor in economic growth was the increase in production volumes at all enterprises of the fuel and energy complex, where they sought to compensate for losses from falling prices on world markets - exports in value decreased during 1998, while in physical volumes they increased.
Liberalization of pricing eliminated the problems of commodity shortages of the late 90s, but caused a decline in the living standards of the majority of the population and hyperinflation (liquidation of savings).
A number of economists believe that the reason for the economic recovery in Russia (and other countries of the former USSR) since 1999 is, first of all, the transition from a planned to a market economy, carried out in the 1990s .
In previous years in the economy Russia(and earlier - USSR) regulated state prices were used for the vast majority of goods (works, services) produced. At the end of 1991, the political crisis led to a loss of control over the growth of the money supply in the economy, and the ongoing production decline led to a reduction in the volume of commodity supply. An approximately threefold ratio of these values (under conditions of fixed prices) indicated a threatening economic disequilibrium. This began to manifest itself in a growing shortage of goods, especially food in major cities. It has become obvious to most experts that a transition of the country’s economy to a market economy is necessary, which will require the abandonment of state regulation in the field pricing. It was intended to transfer pricing functions directly to business entities that set prices under the influence of competition, based on existing supply and demand.
Radical liberalization of consumer prices was implemented January 2 1992 g., as a result of which 90% of retail prices and 80% of wholesale prices were exempted from government regulation. At the same time, control over the price level for a number of socially significant consumer goods and services (bread, milk, public transport) was left to the state (and for some of them it still remains). At first, markups on such goods were limited, but in March 1992 it became possible to cancel these restrictions, which most regions took advantage of. In addition to price liberalization, starting in January 1992, a number of other important economic reforms were implemented, in particular, wage liberalization, freedom of retail trade, etc.
Initially, the prospects for price liberalization raised serious doubts because the ability of market forces to determine prices for goods was limited by a number of factors. First of all, price liberalization began before privatization, so that the economy was predominantly owned by the state . Second, the reforms were initiated at the federal level, while price controls had traditionally been exercised at the local level, and in some cases local authorities chose to retain these controls directly, despite the government's refusal to provide subsidies to such regions. In January 1995, prices for about 30% of goods continued to be regulated in one way or another. For example, the authorities put pressure on privatized shops, taking advantage of the fact that land, real estate and utilities were still in the hands of the state. Local authorities also created barriers to trade, for example by prohibiting the export of food to other areas. Third, powerful criminal groups emerged that blocked access to existing markets and collected tribute through racketeering, thereby distorting market pricing mechanisms. Fourth, poor communications and high transportation costs complicated the ability of companies and individuals to respond effectively to market signals. Despite these difficulties, in practice market forces began to play a significant role in pricing, and imbalances in the economy began to decrease .
Price liberalization has become one of the most important steps towards the transition of the country's economy to market principles. Thanks to liberalization, the country's stores were filled with goods in a fairly short time, their range and quality increased, and the main prerequisites were created for the formation of market economic mechanisms in society. The subject of sharp criticism is that the reforms were carried out without a broad public debate in which supporters of alternative approaches would participate. Arguments are put forward that price liberalization should have been preceded by privatization, which, in turn, should have been preceded by institutional reforms: first of all, ensuring rule of law and legislative protection of private property. It is argued that the presence of a viable private sector (at least small businesses) would lead to its growth after price liberalization, which would soften the effect of falling production (“Vietnamese experience”).
Privatization
In November 1991, the stage of forced privatization began. It was based on Decree No. 341 of the President of the Russian Federation dated December 29, 1991, which approved the “Basic provisions of the privatization program for state and municipal enterprises for 1992.” Decree No.66 of 29/1/1992 “On accelerating the privatization of state and municipal enterprises” determined the practical mechanism of privatization. The State Privatization Program for 1992 was adopted by the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation in June 1992. She proclaimed the following goals:
increasing the efficiency of enterprises through their privatization;
creating a competitive environment and promoting demonopolization of the national economy;
attracting foreign investment, social protection population and development of facilities social infrastructure at the expense of funds received from privatization;
assistance in the process of financial stabilization of the Russian Federation;
creation of conditions and organizational structures for expanding the scale of privatization in 1993-1994.
Voucher privatization was carried out in 1992-1994. It was preceded by legislative acts of the Supreme Council RSFSR, adopted in the summer of 1991, which provided for the buyout of state-owned enterprises and their transformation into joint-stock companies. To streamline privatization, the law “On personal privatization accounts and deposits in the RSFSR” was adopted, according to which every citizen of Russia received a personal privatization account, into which sums of money intended to pay for privatized state property were to be credited. The law did not allow the sale of privatization deposits to other persons. This law, however, was not implemented and voucher privatization was carried out instead.
The practical guide to privatization was the Decree of the President of the Russian Federation “On accelerating the privatization of state and municipal enterprises” ( December 29th 1991 g.), “On accelerating the privatization of state and municipal enterprises” ( January 29 1992 g.), “On organizational measures for the transformation of state enterprises, voluntary associations of state enterprises into joint-stock companies” ( July 1 1992), “On the implementation of the system of privatization checks in the Russian Federation” ( August 14 1992), “On the State Program for the Privatization of State and Municipal Enterprises in the Russian Federation” ( December 24 1993 G.).
Voucher privatization was controversial, since its slogans (creating an effective owner, increasing the efficiency of enterprises, creating a socially oriented market economy) were at odds with practice. According to economists, practice has triumphed over ideology. Participants in privatization did not have equal rights. Thus, employees of enterprises were provided with benefits when purchasing shares of these enterprises, but citizens not engaged in production (medical workers, scientists, teachers) did not have such benefits.
In the summer of 1992, they introduced vouchers(privatization checks), which were distributed free of charge to the population. The nominal value of the voucher was 10 thousand rubles. The property of the country's enterprises was valued at 1,400 billion rubles, and vouchers were issued for this amount. According to the head of the State Property Committee, Chubais, who led the privatization, one voucher could buy two Volga cars (the actual cost of the voucher varied depending on the specific situation).
Loans-for-shares auctions
Loans-for-shares auctions were held to replenish the state budget. As a result of these auctions, state property was transferred into the hands of oligarchs at an unprecedented low price.
Loans-for-shares auctions were undertaken in 1995 year in order to replenish the state treasury. The government planned to raise money by privatizing some state-owned enterprises. The idea of auctions to replenish the budget was put forward by Vladimir Potanin, head of ONEXIM Bank. The initiative was supported by Anatoly Chubais, who was Deputy Prime Minister at that time. The head of the State Property Committee supervised the auctions Alfred Koch.
A number of major companies were put up for sale. Auctions were called collateral auctions, since, unlike regular auctions, companies were not sold, but were given as collateral. However, they were not bought back. According to most experts, extremely low prices were set. Competition at auctions was very low. This happened because many potential buyers were not allowed to visit them. In many cases, the competition involved several firms owned by the same person or group of people. Moreover, state-owned enterprises were often purchased not with their own money, but with money borrowed from the state.
As a result of loans-for-shares auctions, billionaire oligarchs emerged ( Berezovsky, Khodorkovsky, Abramovich and others).
Russia in the 1990sXX century. Political transformations. Yeltsin and the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation, events of September-October 1993. Elections to the State Duma of 1993. Elections to the State Duma of 1995 and presidential elections of 1996. Yeltsin’s resignation.
The status of the Russian Federation itself as renewed federations was issued Federal Treaty, which is concluded March 31 1992 central government and almost all subjects (except Tatarstan And Chechnya) and turned on April 10th 1992 V Constitution of Russia.
Dissolution of the Soviets
Political crisisSeptember 21 - The 4th of October 1993 - events that led to the final dismantling of the Soviet system of power and the formation of the modern political structure of the Russian Federation. It was a consequence of the confrontation between two political forces: on the one hand - president RF Boris Yeltsin, the executive power controlled by him and his supporters, and on the other hand - vice president Alexandra Rutskogo, Supreme Council of the Russian Federation headed by Ruslan Khasbulatov, Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation, and their supporters. Opinions about the position Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation With V. D. Zorkin at the head, they disagree: according to the judges themselves and supporters of the Supreme Court, he maintained neutrality; in the opinion of the President, he participated on the side of the Armed Forces.
At least 150 people died during armed clashes in the center of Moscow.
In conditions when Russian Constitution, according to supporters of Russian President Boris Yeltsin, became a hindrance in carrying out reforms, and work on the new edition was carried out too slowly and ineffectively, the president issued decree No. 1400 “On phased constitutional reform in the Russian Federation,” which prescribed Supreme Council of the Russian Federation And Congress of People's Deputies(according to the Constitution, - the highest body state power RF) to cease its activities.
Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation, having gathered for an emergency meeting, came to the conclusion that this decree violates the Russian Constitution in twelve places and, according to the Constitution, is the basis for the removal of President Yeltsin from office. The Supreme Council refused to obey the unconstitutional decree of the president and qualified his actions as a coup d'etat. It was decided to convene the X Extraordinary Congress of People's Deputies. Police units subordinate to Yeltsin and Luzhkov, an order was given to blockade the White House.
The defense of the White House was led by vice president Alexander Vladimirovich Rutskoy and Chairman of the Supreme Council Ruslan Imranovich Khasbulatov. After numerous attacks by units Riot police at demonstrators on Smolenskaya Square , near the Kuznetsky Bridge, other streets of Moscow, supporters of the Supreme Council (spontaneously gathered residents Moscow, And Moscow region, other cities of the Russian Federation, as well as countries of the post-Soviet space) broke through the blockade of riot police, took control of one of the city hall buildings (the former building Comecon, from whose windows demonstrations were fired upon ), and then attempted to enter one of the buildings television center Ostankino(possibly with the aim of getting aired on Central Television). The storming of the city hall building took place without casualties, but near the television center, fighters from formations loyal to the president opened fire on the stormers and demonstrators.
The 4th of October As a result of the assault and tank shelling, the White House was taken under control by troops loyal to Yeltsin.
Background
Introduction of the post President while maintaining virtually unlimited powers Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation And Supreme Council of the Russian Federation created a problem in Russia dual power which was complicated by the split of society into supporters of immediate radical economic reforms (“ shock therapy"), who united around the president Boris Yeltsin, and opponents of excessive haste, thoughtlessness and abuse in carrying out reforms, united around the Supreme Council, the chairman of which, after Yeltsin was elected president, was Ruslan Khasbulatov.
20th of March 1993 Yeltsin made a televised address to the people, in which he announced that he had just signed a decree introducing a “special management order.” The Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation, without yet having a signed presidential decree, recognized his actions related to the televised address as unconstitutional and found that there were grounds for removing the president from office. However, as it turned out a little later, the unconstitutional decree was not actually signed. The convened IX (Extraordinary) Congress of People's Deputies attempted to remove the president from office (at the same time, a vote was held on the issue of dismissing the Chairman of the Supreme Council R.I. Khasbulatov), but 72 votes were not enough for impeachment.
March 29 1993, after the failure of the impeachment attempt, Congress appointed 25th of April referendum with 4 questions. The positions of the President and the Supreme Council differed radically on all these issues. The conflicting results of the referendum were interpreted by the president and his entourage in their favor.
Do you trust the President of the Russian FederationB. N. Yeltsin ? (58.7% for)
Do you approve of the socio-economic policy pursued by the President of the Russian Federation and the Government of the Russian Federation since 1992? (53.0% for)
Do you consider it necessary to hold early elections of the President of the Russian Federation? (49.5% for)
Do you consider it necessary to hold early elections of people's deputies of the Russian Federation? (67.2% for)
The referendum became widely known as “yes-yes-no-yes”, because this is how Yeltsin’s supporters’ propaganda materials distributed on radio and TV called for voting.
Adoption of the New Constitution
In Russia, the entire structure of Soviet power was liquidated, the “dual power” ended. During the transition period, the regime of personal power of B. N. Yeltsin was established in Russia. The activities of the Constitutional Court were suspended. Yeltsin, by his decrees, abolished the norms of the current Constitution and legislation. 12 December In 1993, a referendum was held to adopt a new Constitution, according to which Russia established presidential republic with bicameral parliament. Parties and organizations whose members took part in clashes on the side of the Supreme Council were excluded from participation in the elections, as participants in an armed rebellion.
State Duma elections 1993
23 September 1993- President B. N. Yeltsin announces early presidential elections in June 1994(this decision was later reversed). There was an attack on the headquarters of the united armed forces of the CIS, two were killed. The media and supporters of the president blame the deputies of the Supreme Council for the incident. The X (Extraordinary) Congress of People's Deputies opens, which, in compliance with all legal procedures and in the presence of the necessary quorum, approves the resolutions of the Supreme Court on the termination of Yeltsin's presidential powers and their transfer to Vice President Rutskoi, and qualifies Yeltsin's actions as an attempt "coup d'etat".
September 30th 1993- The President forms the Central Election Commission for elections to the State Duma and appoints it as its chairman N. T. Ryabova.
The State Duma Russia of the 1st convocation. Sat with January 11 1994 By January 15 1996 .
Activities of the Duma: elected for 2 years in December 1993, by new constitution. The LDPR's first place in party list elections was unexpected. New Duma headed by an agrarian Ivan Rybkin.
It was politically unstable, since no party had a constitutional majority. The composition of factions in the State Duma was constantly changing. In July 1995 The State Duma expressed no confidence in the government.
Left factions: Communist Party of the Russian Federation, APR
Center: ZhR, PRESS, DPR, IRP, Russia and Stability
Radicals: LDPR, Russian way, Power
Others: (NK (MMM family) - Mavrodi), (Duma 96 - Bauer + 1 department)
State Duma elections 1995
Elected: December 17 1995 for four years of the year. Expiration date - January 17 2000 of the year. Meeting: With January 15 1996 By December 24 1999 of the year. Chairman: Seleznev, Gennady Nikolaevich(With January 16 1996 ).
Over four years of work, deputies adopted 1036 federal laws(715 of them have now gained legal force) and ratified by 212 laws, bilateral contracts and agreements international conventions. In total, the deputies of this composition reviewed 1,730 bills.
Legislative activity was distinguished by attention to foreign policy and social affairs. The State Duma also adopted five federal constitutional laws: "ABOUT judicial system of the Russian Federation", "ABOUT Government of the Russian Federation", "About Commissioner for Human Rights in the Russian Federation", "ABOUT military courts Russian Federation". In addition, deputies of the Duma of the second convocation adopted Budget Code of the Russian Federation, part II Civil and part I Tax codes.
In August 1996 approved by the Prime Minister Victor Chernomyrdin, in April 1998 Sergey Kiriyenko, October 1998 Evgeny Primakov, May 1999 Sergey Stepashin, August 1999 Vladimir Putin.
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Communist Party of the Russian Federation | ||
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Our home is Russia | ||
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Liberal Democratic Party of Russia | ||
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"Apple" | ||
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Deputy group "Regions of Russia" - independent deputies | ||
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Deputy group "Democracy" | ||
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Agrarian deputy group | ||
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Non-factional deputies | ||
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Informal group " Russia's Democratic Choice» |
The elections were held using a mixed system. 993 foreign observers from 61 countries were registered for the elections. Of these, more than 434 are from member countries OSCE. Ambassador European Union V Moscow Michael Emerson noted that members of the observation mission assessed the elections as “free and fair.”
Presidential elections 1996
Russian presidential elections were assigned to June 16 1996 in accordance with the transitional provisions of the Constitution of Russia and in connection with the expiration of the term of office of the President of Russia B. N. Yeltsin, elected to 1991. The only presidential election in Russia where two rounds were required to determine the winner. The elections took place on June 16 and 3 July 1996 and were distinguished by the intensity of the political struggle between the candidates.
The main competitors were considered the current President of Russia B. N. Yeltsin and the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation G. A. Zyuganov. According to the results of the second round, Boris Yeltsin received more than 50 percent of the votes and was re-elected for a second term.
The elections were called by a decision of the Federation Council in December 1995, a few days before the completion of elections to the State Duma of the second convocation. According to the results of the elections to the State Duma, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (22 percent) took first place, the LDPR took second (12 percent), and the Our Home - Russia movement, supported by the President, took only third place (10 percent). By that time, Russian President Yeltsin had lost his former popularity due to the failures of economic reforms, failures during the Chechen war and corruption scandals in his circle; ratings showed his popularity at the level of 3-6 percent.
Closer to the New Year, signature campaigns for Yeltsin and then other candidates began. The law in force at that time required the collection of a million signatures in support of each candidate, but allowed the collection of signatures in support of a candidate without his consent. About 10 initiative groups were formed in support of B.N. Yeltsin. B. N. Yeltsin did not agree to the nomination for a long time; he announced his positive decision only February, 15. On the same day, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation nominated its leader G. A. Zyuganov as a candidate for President of Russia. At the time of the nomination of both candidates, Zyuganov was significantly ahead of Yeltsin in ratings, but the gap between them was gradually narrowing. Later, other candidates for the post of President of Russia were nominated.
In the Russian Presidential elections on June 16, despite the height of summer, Russians showed high activity. More than 75.7 million Russians took part in the elections, which amounted to 69.81 percent of the number of voters on the lists. More than 800 thousand voters cast ballots using absentee ballots.
According to the results of the first round, the current President of Russia B. N. Yeltsin showed the best result, receiving 26.6 million votes, which amounted to 35.28 percent. The leader of the Russian communists G. A. Zyuganov received 24.2 million votes, which amounted to 32.03 percent, slightly behind Yeltsin. The main surprise was the third place of A.I. Lebed, who received the support of 10.7 million voters, which amounted to 14.52 percent. Former USSR President M.S. Gorbachev suffered a serious defeat, receiving only 386 thousand votes, which amounted to 0.51 percent. B. N. Yeltsin and G. A. Zyuganov entered the second round.
B. N. Yeltsin was supported mainly by the population of Moscow and St. Petersburg, large industrial cities, the North of Russia, Siberia, the Far East, some national republics, as well as Russians living abroad. G. A. Zyuganov was supported mainly by residents of the depressed rural regions of Central Russia, the Black Earth Region, the Volga region and some republics of the North Caucasus.
After determining the results of the first round of voting Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation scheduled the second round of voting for Wednesday, July 3, the Russian Government declared this day a day off. B. N. Yeltsin and G. A. Zyuganov were included in the ballot for the re-vote. This unusual choice of voting day is explained by the desire to increase voter turnout.
After the first round of voting, the situation became extremely aggravated: supporters of the current government and opponents of the communists, who did not want the restoration of Soviet power, united around B. N. Yeltsin, supporters of the communists and opponents of the current government - around G. A. Zyuganov. Political scientists' forecasts gave preference to Yeltsin, but noted that he had a high chance of being elected given a high voter turnout. It was believed that there were more potential Yeltsin supporters, but they were less politically active, while there were fewer potential Zyuganov supporters, but they were more disciplined and politically active.
According to the election results, the current President of Russia B. N. Yeltsin received 40.2 million votes (53.82 percent), significantly ahead of G. A. Zyuganov, who received 30.1 million votes (40.31 percent). 3.6 million Russians (4.82 percent) voted against both candidates B. N. Yeltsin managed to increase the lead or reduce the gap with G. A. Zyuganov in all regions without exception.
According to the results of the second round of elections, the current President of Russia B.N. Yeltsin won and was re-elected for a second term.
Yeltsin's resignation
31th of December 1999 at 12 noon (which was repeated on the main television channels a few minutes before midnight, before the New Year's televised address), B. N. Yeltsin announced his resignation from the post of President of the Russian Federation:
Dear friends! My dears! Today I address you for the last time with New Year's greetings. But that's not all. Today I am addressing you for the last time as President of Russia. I made a decision. I thought about it long and painfully. Today, on the last day of the passing century, I resign.
Yeltsin explained that he was leaving “not for health reasons, but for the totality of all problems,” and asked for forgiveness from Russian citizens. Having finished reading the last sentence, he sat motionless for several more minutes, and tears poured down his face, recalls TV cameraman A. Makarov.
Chairman of the Government V.V. Putin was appointed acting President, who immediately after B.N. Yeltsin’s announcement of his own resignation addressed a New Year’s address to the citizens of Russia. On the same day, V.V. Putin signed a decree guaranteeing Yeltsin protection from prosecution, as well as significant material benefits for him and his family.
Russian foreign policy in 1991-1999.
April 2 1997 Russia and Belarus entered into Union(c December 8 1999 - Union State of Russia and Belarus).
The beginning of international relations between Russia and Belarus as independent states can be considered the signing Belovezhskaya Accords and education CIS after the breakup USSR V 1991 year. the 13th of November 1992 The Free Trade Agreement was signed.
Alexander Lukashenko began to actively play out this theme during his first presidential elections in July 1994 of the year. Having become head of state, he used it for political and economic bargaining with Moscow.
6th January 1995 an agreement on the Customs Union was signed, February 21 1995 - Treaty of Friendship, Good Neighborhood and Cooperation for a period of 10 years.
April 2 1996 President of Russia Boris Yeltsin And President of Belarus Alexander Lukashenko signed an agreement on the creation of the Community of Russia and Belarus. At that moment, this was beneficial for both Yeltsin, who was expecting presidential elections in two months, and Lukashenko, who hoped to lead the union state.
Boris Yeltsin, who did not have full support State Duma, refused to sign the Belarusian version of the union treaty. The document that was signed April 2 1997, - the new treaty transforming the Community into a Union - did not contain specific obligations. This gave Alexander Lukashenko the opportunity to accuse the Russian leadership of not being ready for unification.
Relationships between Moscow And Minsk worsened. In summer 1997 A political scandal erupted, which began with the detention of Russian journalists in Belarus on charges of illegal border crossing. In order to achieve their release, Russia resorted to political and economic pressure. After this, talk about unification died down for a long time. It has become a peculiar tradition in Russia to entrust the resolution of issues of unification of Russia and Belarus to leaders who, by their own or someone else’s will, left active political life.
December 25 1998 The Declaration on the further unification of Russia and Belarus (providing for the introduction of a single currency), an agreement on equal rights of citizens and an Agreement on the creation of equal conditions for business entities were signed. Just before Yeltsin left office, December 8 1999, The Treaty on the creation of the Union State was finally signed. The parties pledged to intensify the preparation of a single Constitutional Act and submit it for public discussion. The agreement came into force January 26 2000 . In January 2000, he was elected Secretary of State of the Union Pavel Borodin.
Chechnya
On the territory of Russia there arose separatist trends that threaten, following the collapse of the USSR, the collapse of the Russian Federation. In the announced in 1991 independence Chechnya (Ichkeria) they developed into bloody wars (see. Chechen conflict). Tatarstan according to its legislation and de facto was also independent from 1990 before the conclusion of the Agreement on mutual delegation of powers in 1994 , and after the conclusion of the contract until 2000 - associated state With confederal status.
1991 - self-proclaimed Chechen Republic(later the Chechen Republic Ichkeria, separation from Ingushetia. The president Dzhokhar Dudayev (1991 -1996 ) is heading towards actual independence from Russia and discrimination against Russians.
December 1994 - Start First Chechen war, during which RF trying to regain control in Chechnya. TO 1996 year a pro-Russian government is created headed by Doku Zavgaev, Dudayev was killed in May. However, in August 1996 separatist forces take over Grozny And Gudermes, signed with them Khasavyurt agreements, federal troops are withdrawn from the territory of Ichkeria and de facto independence is restored.
1997 - elected president of Ichkeria Aslan Maskhadov. Conflicts begin between separatist field commanders - Interwar crisis in Chechnya.
1999 -2000 - after the invasion of Ichkeria troops into Dagestan begins Second Chechen War, federal forces regained control over most of the territory of Chechnya, and its head was appointed Akhmat Kadyrov.
General directions of foreign policy
International community recognized Russia continuation state USSR. This means that, with international legal point of view, Russia and the USSR are one and the same state (in contrast to the concept of “ successor", implying the replacement of one state by another). Thanks to this, Russia continued to implement all international rights and fulfill the international obligations of the USSR. Among them, the status of permanent member is especially important Security Council UN, membership in other international organizations, rights and obligations under international treaties, property and debts.
Russia is one of the key participants in international relations. As one of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council, it has special responsibility for maintaining international peace and security. Russia is included in "Group of Eight" industrialized countries and is a member of many international organizations, including Council of Europe And OSCE. A special place is occupied by organizations created in the space of the former USSR, mainly with the leading role of Russia - CIS, EurAsEC, CSTO, SCO. Russia together with Belarus constitute the so-called Union State.
Russia is pursuing a multi-vector foreign policy. She supports diplomatic relations with 178 countries, has 140 embassies. Russia's foreign policy is determined president of the country and is carried out Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
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The idea of creating a strategic triangle Russia - India - China the first of the famous political figures to nominate back in 1998 Russian Prime Minister Evgeny Primakov. Unable to stop the operation being prepared NATO against Yugoslavia, Primakov called for cooperation between the three countries as a kind of counteraction unipolarity in the world. However, it took several years for this proposal to be supported by diplomats.
The first trilateral meetings in this format took place in New York during the sessions UN General Assembly V 2002 And 2003 , and in 2004 - V Almaty during the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia. In June 2005 the meeting of the foreign ministers of Russia, China and India took place for the first time on the territory of one of the three states of the “triangle” - in Vladivostok.
Interaction of three states, the total population of which is 40% of the population globe, allows you to increase the international weight of each of them. Judging by the statements of the leaders of the three countries, their cooperation is not directed against anyone, but at the same time it is intended to make the world multipolar and contribute to the democratization of the world order.
Each of the states, apparently, pursues, in addition to common interests, also individual interests:
India and China expect to gain access to Russian energy resources - oil And gas;
Russia emphasizes the importance of practical cooperation in the fight against international terrorism, drug trafficking and other new threats (especially in the area adjacent to the territory of all three countries - in Central Asia, since the possible strengthening of Islamic extremism in this region can hit each of the three states);
India looks forward to support in its bid to become a permanent member UN Security Council; Russia and China agree the UN needs reform; It is expected that by the September UN session the three states will come up with joint proposals.
India is seeking to enter Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO) and play a more active role in Central Asia.
Cooperation within the “triangle” has already made it possible to begin the process of normalizing relations between China and India and resolving border problems. Fully settled border issues between China and Russia (see above).
Observers point out that the partnership of the three states has not yet been formalized organizationally and, perhaps, will not take clear international legal forms, since this would mean the formation of an alternative USA center of power in Asia and would inevitably cause their negative reaction.
Currently, none of the three states would like this, for various reasons. In particular, Russia views the United States as a partner in the fight against proliferation nuclear weapons and for maintaining strategic stability in the world, and therefore, despite the activation of the United States in post-Soviet space Russia refuses to openly oppose this.
The most acute problem in relations between Russia and the Baltic countries is recognition or non-recognition of a fact annexation And occupation Soviet Union of the Baltic states in 1940 -1991 .
Related to the issue of “annexation” and “occupation” are questions about the conclusion of border treaties between Russia, Estonia and Latvia, as well as the situation of the Russian-speaking minority in these countries, including the lack of progress in the field of naturalization(according to Russian data, 450-480 thousand residents of Latvia and 160 thousand residents of Estonia are still classified as stateless persons), restrictions on the use Russian language, infringement of the rights of military pensioners], persecution of anti-fascist veterans and former Soviet employees law enforcement and at the same time glorifying “fighters for independence from the USSR,” whom Russian authorities call “Nazi collaborators.” Only Lithuania accepted the so-called “zero option,” automatically granting its citizenship to all USSR citizens living on its territory at the time of declaration of independence.
Russia is dissatisfied with the demands of the Baltic countries to apologize for the “Soviet occupation” and compensate for damages for it. Russian authorities also accuse them of provoking European Union And NATO to take a tougher course towards Russia.
Of the Baltic states, Russia has territorial disputes with Latvia(Pytalovsky district Pskov region- county Abrene) And Estonia(Pechorsky district Pskov region and the right bank of the river Narva With Ivangorod).
After the collapse of the USSR, the Russian Federation inherited Soviet-Japanese relations. As before, the main problem standing in the way of the full development of relations between both sides remains the dispute over the ownership of the Kuril Islands, which is preventing the signing of a peace treaty.
Government Boris Yeltsin, who came to power in 1991 , continued to take a strong position regarding Russian sovereignty over Kuril Islands and rejected their return to Japan. Despite some technical and financial assistance from Japan, which included Big Seven, relations between the two countries remained at a low level. In September 1992 Russian President Boris Yeltsin postponed his planned visit to Japan and did not make it until October 1993 . He did not make any new proposals, but confirmed Russia's readiness to follow the Soviet proposal of 1956 to transfer the island to Japan Shikotan and group Habomai in exchange for signing a peace treaty. Yeltsin also apologized to Japan for the mistreatment of Japanese prisoners of war after the end of World War II. In March 1994 Japanese Foreign Minister visited Moscow Huta Tsutomu and met with Russian colleagues Andrey Kozyrev.
Domestic and foreign policy of the Russian Federation 2000-2007. Presidential elections 2000. New trends in Russian society under President V.V. Putin. Transformations in the state system and economy.
Early electionPresident of the Russian Federation 26 March 2000 were appointed Federation Council 5 January 2000 due to resignation B. N. Yeltsin 31th of December 1999(they were originally supposed to take place in July 2000).
According to political scientists, sociological services and the media, the greatest chance of winning was V.V. Putin, appointed in 1999 Chairman of the Government and acting President. The main intrigue was whether Putin would win in the first round or whether a second round (re-vote) would be necessary.
Simultaneously with the elections of the President of Russia, elections were held for the heads of four subjects of the Russian Federation - Altai Territory, Murmansk region, Jewish Autonomous Region, Khanty-Mansiysk Autonomous Okrug.
12 candidates were registered Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation:
Govorukhin Stanislav Sergeevich
Dzhabrailov Umar Alievich
Zhirinovsky Vladimir Volfovich
Zyuganov Gennady Andreevich
Pamfilova Ella Alexandrovna
Podberezkin Alexey Ivanovich
Putin Vladimir Vladimirovich
Savostyanov, Evgeniy Vadimovich
Skuratov Yuri Ilyich
Titov Konstantin Alekseevich
Tuleev Amangeldy Moldagazyevich
Yavlinsky Grigory Alekseevich
After registration, one candidate - Evgeniy Savostyanov - withdrew his candidacy, and 11 candidates were included in the ballot.
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Putin Vladimir Vladimirovich |
39 740 467 | |
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Zyuganov, Gennady Andreevich | ||
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Yavlinsky, Grigory Alekseevich | ||
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Tuleev Aman-Geldy Moldagazyevich | ||
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Zhirinovsky, Vladimir Volfovich | ||
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Titov, Konstantin Alekseevich | ||
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Pamfilova, Ella Alexandrovna | ||
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Govorukhin, Stanislav Sergeevich | ||
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Skuratov, Yuri Ilyich | ||
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Podberezkin, Alexey Ivanovich | ||
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Dzhabrailov, Umar Alievich | ||
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Against all candidates |
New trends, reforms and transformations.
The turning point in Russia's development was 1998 default. Causing a political crisis (for 1998 -1999 5 prime ministers were replaced over the years), nevertheless, it marked the end of the recession and the beginning of a recovery in the economy, the cause of which was the weakening of monetary policy and the subsequent depreciation of the real exchange rate of the ruble, as well as the tightening of budget policy, which made it possible to sharply reduce non-payments and barter payments. In 1999, for the first time during the years of reforms, investment dynamics acquired a positive direction
In August 1999 In 2008, there was an invasion of Dagestan by Chechen separatists under the command of Shamil Basayev. The population of Dagestan perceived the appearance of the Chechens as military aggression and began to form a militia. Within several months, the fighting moved to the territory of Chechnya.
TO February 6 2000 of the year Russian army occupies the city of Grozny (see. Siege of Grozny). Taking into account the widespread accusations of the death of civilians during the first Chechen campaign, Russia announced the opening of a “humanitarian corridor” for the exit of refugees for several days. After its closure, the assault on the city begins.
In January 2001 Putin signed a decree “On measures to combat terrorism in the North Caucasus region of the Russian Federation,” decreeing the creation of an operational headquarters to manage counter-terrorism operations in the region .
With the start of the second Chechen campaign, federal forces are banking on the “Chechenization of the conflict.” Goes to their side mufti Chechnya Akhmad Kadyrov. During the parade 9th May 2004 year dedicated to the celebration Victory Day, died as a result territorial act. His son Ramzan Kadyrov V 2007 was appointed president of Chechnya.
The first attack was launched against the founder of a popular television company NTV Vladimir Gusinsky. The television company had a significant debt, which was subsequently transferred to the state company Gazprom, which had already been formed by that time. As a result of a change of ownership Vladimir Gusinsky lost the TV channel, the company's management and a significant number of journalists were replaced.
February 13 2000 Vladimir Gusinsky was detained as part of an investigation on charges of fraud during the privatization of Channel 11 of St. Petersburg television, which, according to investigators, was bought by Gusinsky for $5 thousand with a real cost of $10 million. A few days later the case was closed, and he Vladimir Gusinsky left for Spain. A number of major Russian entrepreneurs (Khodorkovsky, Vekselberg, Potanin, etc.), US President Bill Clinton, and Israeli politician Shimon Peres came to his defense.
After emigrating to London Boris Berezovsky repeatedly accuses the FSB of attempts to assassinate himself, and begins to consistently promote various incriminating evidence against the FSB. Yes, he is with 2002 year began to promote the theory of the alleged involvement of the FSB in terrorist attacks 1999 of the year. WITH 2006 year promotes the theory of the involvement of the FSB in the death of Alexander Litvinenko.
Case Mikhail Khodorkovsky caused a resonance in Russia and abroad.
On February 19, 2003, at a meeting of representatives of big business with the President of Russia, M. Khodorkovsky accused corruption state company " Rosneft", citing the example of the purchase of a small oil company " Northern oil"for a fabulous sum of $600 million at that time. In response, Putin reminded Khodorkovsky that YUKOS had problems with taxes (although he did not specify which ones) and asked how the oil company obtained “super reserves.”
One of the reasons for the beginning of the defeat of the company was said to be Putin’s dissatisfaction with the financing of Russian parties by Khodorkovsky and other Yukos shareholders that were in opposition to the government in force at that time - “ Apple», THX, Communist Party of the Russian Federation.
Khodorkovsky's supporters held various seminars, organized rallies and distributed stickers in which they campaigned in their favor, mentioning, in particular, Khodorkovsky's efforts to ensure business "transparency" YUKOS.
The case caused a stir, and US President George W. Bush expressed concern about Khodorkovsky's fate. At the end of 2004, the YUKOS case was transferred by shareholders to the court of Houston, Texas. After the Putin-Bush summit in Bratislava in the spring of 2005, the judge expressed support for Khodorkovsky, however, refused to consider the case, since the jurisdiction of the courts of the United States cannot extend beyond its territory, and violation of this principle would create a precedent in international law with unpredictable consequences.
In 2005, Khodorkovsky was sentenced to 9 years in prison, to be served in a colony in Krasnokamensk, Chita region.
Under Putin, the external government debt was paid in full ahead of schedule. This was done largely due to the sharp rise in prices for Russian export commodities - primarily oil and gas. A significant part of the additional income received due to rising prices was placed in foreign financial institutions. There is an opinion that the funds support the economies of other countries and they should have found other uses . There is also an opinion that the influx of petrodollars has led to “ Dutch disease» Russian economy and the “strengthening” of the ruble.
Other prerequisites for economic growth include the consequences 1998 default, which led to a sharp increase in the price of imported goods compared to domestic ones, and, as a consequence, to a significant improvement in the competitiveness of Russian goods in the domestic market.
During the presidency of Vladimir Putin, it was formed Stabilization Fund of the Russian Federation, the emergence of which was made possible by the beginning of economic growth. Generally Stabilization Fund causes clashes between supporters different ways to spend increased state budget revenues:
Saving. Reduce state expenses to a minimum, reduce the budget to a surplus, and accumulate funds in the Stabilization Fund.
Early payment of debts. Direct state revenues primarily to early repayment of the significant external debt accumulated by the governments of Mikhail Gorbachev and Boris Yeltsin.
Social projects. Spend funds primarily on various social needs.
WITH 1st of February 2008 year, the stabilization fund was divided into two parts: the Reserve Fund (3,069 billion rubles) and the National Welfare Fund (782.8 billion rubles) [
Under Putin, there has been a significant increase in foreign investment in Russia (from $11 billion in 2000 to $53 billion in 2005).
TO 2005 year, Russia maintained a system of benefits for the poor, the main one of which was free travel on public transport for pensioners and military personnel. By this time, the system of benefits began to cause strong dissatisfaction among transport workers, since the state budget did not compensate for their financial losses in an insufficient amount. The tension gradually built up over several years. IN 2004 year, the state decided to take such a radical step as replacing this benefit, as well as benefits on medicines, with monetary compensation. The announcement of the upcoming “monetization of benefits” caused a stir among pensioners. 2004 year, there was widespread discontent, but it was virtually ignored by the authorities. Rallies and other forms of political protests were held throughout Russia. During 2005 In 2008, in a number of regions, monetary compensation was increased to a level that suited pensioners, and the protests gradually subsided.
IN 2005 President Putin announced the implementation of four national projects in the social sphere and economics (national project “Health”, national project “Education”, national project “Housing”, national project “Development of the Agro-Industrial Complex”) . The results achieved include:
As part of the national project “Education”: timely payments to class teachers, competitions for innovative schools and universities, connecting regions to funding.
As part of the national project “Healthcare”: 22 thousand 652 units of diagnostic equipment were supplied to medical institutions (more than a million diagnostic tests were carried out on them), 6 thousand 723 new cars were supplied (renewal of the sanitary vehicle fleet by a third), Dmitry Medvedev said. The salaries of first-line doctors have been raised by 10,000 rubles at a time, which is expected to increase the prestige of their work.
Increase in the volume of housing construction, mortgages;
In January 2008 Vladimir Putin said that national projects are more effective than other government programs. In his opinion, such a result was achieved thanks to the concentration of administrative and political resources.
In September 2007 there is a sharp rise in prices for dairy products (7%) and sunflower oil (13.5%) , which the authorities explained by the rise in world prices, the abolition of subsidies for food exports by the European Union , and sunflower crop failure in Russia. Other explanations include alleged collusion among large retail chains , or an increase in world prices due to the massive processing of plant materials into biofuels. The communist opposition stated that a number of prices had increased by one and a half times in three months, demanded a freeze on prices, and the resignation of the government.
At the end 2007 - beginning 2008 specialists at the investment bank Goldman Sachs began to promote the term “agflation” (agricultural inflation). According to Goldman Sachs, in 2007 food prices increased by 41% (in 2006 - by 26%), which the bank’s specialists explain by the processing of agricultural raw materials into biofuel, and the increase in meat consumption in developing countries (in particular, China).
Criticism of the economic growth that Russia has steadily moved towards under Vladimir Putin's presidency consists mainly of criticism of the economy's dangerous dependence on unpredictable global oil prices. IN 2007 In 2009, US Congressman Tom Lantos made an offensive comparison of President Putin with the cartoon character Popeye the sailor: “They are eating the spinach of oil revenues - billions are flowing into the hands of the Kremlin, and with every billion... Putin’s muscles are growing by leaps and bounds.” According to the application Yegor Gaidar, Russia "in 2009 -2010 a crisis awaits... 1986 year, the price of oil fell six times, and this was precisely what became the “catalyst for the collapse of the Soviet economy” and the subsequent collapse of the USSR, and the decrease in prices slightly more than doubled 1997 -1998 years launched the mechanism of financial collapse 1998 of the year".
Expectations of a social explosion and/or collapse of Russia in the event of an unexpected and sharp drop in world oil prices are extremely common. According to one of the leaders of the Russian liberal opposition, Garry Kasparov, “Putin’s regime is completely dependent on foreign economic conditions related to oil prices. And falling oil prices will naturally draw a line under Putin’s rule.”
Foreign policy under Putin
In June 2000 By decree of Putin, the “Concept of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation” was approved. According to this document, the main goals of the country's foreign policy are:
ensuring reliable security of the country, preserving and strengthening it sovereignty and territorial integrity, strong and authoritative positions in the world community, which best meet the interests of the Russian Federation as a great power, as one of the influential centers modern world, and which are necessary for the growth of its political, economic, intellectual and spiritual potential;
influencing global processes in order to form a stable, fair and democratic world order, built on generally accepted norms of international law, including primarily the goals and principles of the UN Charter, on equal and partnership relations between states;
creating favorable external conditions for progressive development of Russia, the rise of its economy, improving the standard of living of the population, successfully carrying out democratic reforms, strengthening the foundations of the constitutional system, respect for human rights and freedoms;
the formation of a belt of good neighborliness along the perimeter of the Russian borders, assistance in eliminating existing and preventing the emergence of potential hotbeds of tension and conflict in the regions adjacent to the Russian Federation;
search for agreement and coinciding interests with foreign countries and interstate associations in the process problem solving, determined by the national priorities of Russia, building on this basis a system of partnerships and allied relations that improve the conditions and parameters of international interaction;
comprehensive protection of the rights and interests of Russian citizens and compatriots abroad;
promoting a positive perception of the Russian Federation in the world, popularization of the Russian language and culture of the peoples of Russia in foreign countries.
IN 2000 -2007 Putin took part in summits « Group of Eight» (« Big Eight") in Okinawa ( Japan, 2000 ), in Genoa ( Italy, 2001 ), Kananaskis ( Canada, 2002 ), Evian ( France, 2003 ), Sea Island ( USA, 2004 ), Gleneagles ( Great Britain, 2005 ) St. Petersburg ( Russia, 2006 ) and Heiligendamm ( Germany, 2007 ).
September 6-8 2000 Putin participated in the Millennium Summit (officially called "UN in the 21st century") in New York. In June 2001 Putin met with the President for the first time USA George W. Bush in the capital Slovenia Ljubljana.
During presidential elections in Ukraine at the end of 2004 Russian authorities supported Viktor Yanukovych- candidate from Party of Regions of Ukraine, who advocated economic cooperation with Russia within the framework Common Economic Space(SES) and giving the Russian language the status of a second state language. But after the November 21 elections, the opposition parties of Viktor Yushchenko, Yulia Tymoshenko and Alexander Moroz brought tens of thousands of people into the streets and declared election fraud ( Orange Revolution). After Yushchenko’s victory in the third round appointed by the Supreme Court of Ukraine, the “orange coalition” came to power, declaring the main goals of foreign policy to be joining the EU and NATO while maintaining cooperation with Russia, but without joining the SES.
24 February 2005 Putin held a meeting with Bush V Bratislava (Slovakia), the main topic of which was the situation with democracy in Russia.
25th of April 2005 In his Address to the Federal Assembly, Putin called the collapse of the USSR a major geopolitical catastrophe and called on society to consolidate in building a new democratic Russia.
9th May 2005 during the celebrations on the occasion of the 60th anniversary of the Victory in the Great Patriotic War Putin and other world leaders called for a fight against Nazism XXI century - terrorism and thanked the winners fascism.
In September 2005 Putin took part in anniversary celebrations on the occasion of his 60th birthday UN.
In 2006, Russia chaired the "Group of Eight"(“Big Eight”).
October 10 2006 Putin, as part of his visit to the Federal Republic of Germany , spoke at a public forum St. Petersburg dialogue 2006. The speech took place against the backdrop of demonstrations by the German public in Dresden, dedicated to Putin’s alleged involvement in the murder of a journalist. Anna Politkovskaya. In his interview with a German TV channel ARD Putin said Politkovskaya's murder was far more damaging to the Russian leadership than her publications. He also said that the Russian leadership will do everything to identify and punish Politkovskaya’s killers .
October 14 2004 , during a visit to Beijing, Putin signed an agreement addendum to the agreement on the Russian-Chinese state border . In 2005 it took place demarcation of the Russian-Chinese border, during which China received 337 km² of disputed territory - Tarabarov Island and part of Bolshoy Ussuriysky Island. Improved relations with China, the length of the border with which is more than 4,300 km, and the removal of the potential threat of a territorial conflict in the future were cited as a positive result of the agreements. On the other hand, a number of politicians regarded the signing of the agreement as a weakening of Russia’s position.
Some critics accuse Putin of not respecting Russia's geopolitical interests. So, in 2002 the naval base was closed Cam Ranh (Vietnam) . In the same year, the radio electronic center in Lourdes was closed ( Cuba), of great strategic importance . During Putin's presidency, agreements were signed on the withdrawal of Russian military bases from Georgia . According to them, Russia pledged to withdraw its military forces from Georgia before 2008 of the year. During Russian-Georgian spy scandal Putin ordered the acceleration of the withdrawal of Russian troops from Georgia . On November 15, 2007, the last Russian military man left Georgian territory.
Political scientist Stanislav Belkovsky believes that during the 7 years of Putin’s rule, Russia has lost the status of a regional power, which it maintained throughout the 1990s. According to Belkovsky, “Putin’s Russia is not the leading political force in the post-Soviet space, and this is a direct result of Putin’s policy of transforming the state into an appendage of several dozen large corporations led by Gazprom.”
The United States and the Russian Federation take sharply contradictory positions on a number of issues:
Support for “color revolutions” in the Soviet Union;
Support for the unrecognized authorities of Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Transnistria;
Entry of Ukraine and Georgia into NATO;
Construction of a missile defense system;
Promotion of pipelines delivering Caspian oil bypassing Russian territory;
Independence of Kosovo;
Construction of a nuclear reactor in Bushehr, Islamic Republic of Iran;
Military supplies to Venezuela;
Reception in Moscow of representatives of the terrorist movement " Hamas” after his victory in the Palestinian elections.
The aggravation of relations occurs against the backdrop of massive accusations of the Russian authorities of curtailing democracy, and demands to exclude Russia from G8, and not allow into WTO.
Relations with Poland are also becoming strained, whose president Alexander Kwasniewski played a prominent role in the events of the 2004 Orange Revolution in Ukraine, and with Israel, which has expressed strong concerns about Russian military supplies to Syria and the construction of a nuclear reactor in Iran.
The wave of “color revolutions” in the post-Soviet space in 2006 fades away; the victory of the “tulip revolution” in Kyrgyzstan did not lead to a change in its foreign policy orientation, Uzbekistan and other former Soviet republics come to the conclusion that it is necessary to strictly suppress protests, despite diplomatic pressure and sanctions from the United States and the EU. The main "orange" countries Ukraine And Georgia, are entering a period of deep political crisis. In addition, Russia is exerting economic pressure on Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova, as well as on Poland and Estonia.
In April 2007 The concerns of the Russian minority in Estonia about their situation result in mass unrest in Tallinn (cm.Bronze soldier ). Russia takes the side of the protesters, condemns the actions of the Estonian police, and puts diplomatic and economic pressure on the Estonian authorities.
Controversy over the deployment of a missile defense system in Europe
The growing bias, in the opinion of the Russian government, of NGOs financed by Western powers and, as a consequence, the dissatisfaction of the Russian authorities towards them, finds its outlet in January 2006. Russia accuses British diplomats of financing NGOs through semi-legal methods, which is contrary to Russian laws. This event ends with the expulsion of diplomats, and causes a negative reaction from the liberal opposition, closely associated with some of the NGOs.
In 2002, the United States terminated the 72-year-old Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, which was an important milestone in stopping the arms race. At the end of 2006, the United States announced its intention to deploy elements missile defense systems in the Czech Republic and Poland. The Russian authorities declare their extremely negative reaction, accusing the American authorities of the fact that the missile defense system is aimed at Russia, and not, according to the official version of the United States, North Korea or Iran. In February 2007, Vladimir Putin says “ Munich speech", in April 2007 announces its desire to introduce a moratorium on the execution CFE Treaty.
In response to Russia's negative reaction, the United States has announced that it is considering deploying elements of the missile defense system in several more countries. These statements do not receive further development.
Disagreements with Great Britain
The starting point for the deterioration of Russian-British relations was the provision of political asylum to the largest “oligarch” of the 1990s Boris Berezovsky, who is one of the most unpopular figures in Russian politics, and an emissary of Chechen terrorists, a former field commander Akhmed Zakaev.
Requests for their extradition were rejected by British courts because, in their opinion, the Russian side did not provide sufficiently compelling evidence of guilt and demonstrated the political nature of their persecution. Requests from diplomatic institutions and the government were also rejected by the British side, citing in this case the independence of the courts.
Repeated requests for extradition were rejected by Britain; The confrontation entered an active phase after the “spy stone” scandal. FSB accused Britain of funding NGOs in Russia. The British side did not refute these accusations.
Relations between the two countries became particularly acute in connection with the scandal of the alleged polonium poisoning of one of Boris Berezovsky’s employees, a former FSB officer who had previously been convicted. Alexandra Litvinenko. The backdrop for the scandal was the murder by an unknown person of a popular journalist in the West, but little known in Russia (at that time). Anna Politkovskaya, which harshly criticized Vladimir Putin’s policies, especially in Chechnya.
A new round of aggravation of relations began with the ban from 1st of January 2008 years of activity of the British Council in the territory St. Petersburg And Ekaterinburg(at the same time, the authorities did not prohibit such activities in Moscow). Representatives of the English authorities refused to curtail the activities of the British Council, however, it was nevertheless terminated after the head of the branch of this organization in St. Petersburg was detained by the traffic police, accusing him of driving while intoxicated; with Russian citizens - employees of British Council branches FSB preventive conversations were held.
Other foreign policy projects
International efforts are intensifying to create a “gas OPEC" (cm. Gas Exporting Countries Forum), the supposed founders of which could be Russia, Iran, Algeria, And Venezuela. Widespread rumors around the world about the “creation of a gas OPEC” cause a sharply negative reaction from Western powers, primarily the United States, but they also do not lead to any concrete steps. The initiative provokes opposition from the European Union as “non-market”, and from the United States, which has come up with a project to ban such associations as illegal, thus extending the application of US national laws beyond its national territory.
Increase in gas prices for Belarus in January 2007 leads to a sharply negative reaction from the latter, President Lukashenko begins to express doubts about the future of the Union State of Russia and Belarus.
Increasing tensions between Russia, on the one hand, and Ukraine and Belarus, on the other, led to the emergence of a project to supply gas to Europe along the bottom of the Baltic Sea, bypassing Ukrainian territory. This project is causing some opposition from Ukraine, Belarus, and Lithuania; Poland expresses particular dissatisfaction under the pretext of a possible, in its opinion, environmental threat from this project.
The Middle East policy of the government of Vladimir Putin is characterized by maneuvering between two opposing goals:
opposition to the initiatives of the United States
In general, it should be recognized that the first desire dominates the second, and Russian-Israeli relations are currently gradually deteriorating. On the other hand, PNA representatives are taking a number of steps to attract Russian assistance.
The first reason for the aggravation of Russian-Israeli relations was the supply of a number of weapons to Israel's potential enemy - Syria; There were also accusations that the Syrian side, with or without the knowledge of Russia, transferred some of these weapons to the terrorist movement Hezbollah. In order to dispel such accusations, Vladimir Putin is making an official visit to Israel, including visiting Jerusalem. The visit has important diplomatic significance, as the first ever visit of a Russian head to Israel.
After the victory of the Hamas terrorist movement in the elections in the Palestinian National Autonomy, Israel, the United States and a number of European Union countries are taking the initiative of an international blockade of this movement. However, its isolation was, despite the objections of these countries, interrupted by Russia, which received Hamas ambassadors in Moscow.
On the morning of August 18, 1991, the regular issue of the weekly Moscow News went on sale in kiosks in many cities of the USSR, in which the draft Treaty on the Union of Sovereign States was published, the signing of which was scheduled for August 20.
In the same issue, an editorial note was published introducing the text of the Treaty: “Is this what Sakharov dreamed of?” and the appeal of the Chairman of the State Bank of the USSR V. Gerashchenko to the Federation Council and the Supreme Councils of the Republics “The State Bank warns: the Ruble is in danger.”
And prefacing the text of the Treaty itself, the editors of MN reported:
“The published document is still kept secret.
Nevertheless, it was announced that an initial agreement between the participants in the Novo-Ogarevo negotiations had been reached and in a few days - on August 20 - the first republics would sign it. By publishing the agreement, Moscow News proceeds from the main thing: public discussion of a document that determines the fate of millions of people should begin as early as possible. We offer our readers the Union Treaty agreed on July 23, 1991."
TREATY OF THE UNION OF SOVEREIGN STATES
The states that have signed this Treaty, based on the Declarations of State Sovereignty proclaimed by them and recognizing the right of nations to self-determination; taking into account the similarity of the historical destinies of their peoples and fulfilling their will to preserve and renew the Union, expressed in the referendum of March 17, 1991; striving to live in friendship and harmony, ensuring equal cooperation; Desiring to create conditions for the comprehensive development of each individual and reliable guarantees of his rights and freedoms; caring for the material well-being and spiritual development of peoples, the mutual enrichment of national cultures, and ensuring common security; drawing lessons from the past and taking into account changes in the life of the country and throughout the world, we decided to build our relations in the Union on a new basis and agreed on the following.
I
BASIC PRINCIPLES
First. Each republic - a party to the Treaty - is a sovereign state. The Union of Soviet Sovereign Republics (USSR) is a sovereign federal democratic state formed as a result of the unification of equal republics and exercising state power within the limits of the powers that are voluntarily vested in it by the parties to the Treaty.
Second. The states forming the Union reserve the right to independently resolve all issues of their development, guaranteeing equal political rights and opportunities for socio-economic and cultural development to all peoples living on their territory. The parties to the Treaty will proceed from a combination of universal and national values and will resolutely oppose racism, chauvinism, nationalism, and any attempts to limit the rights of peoples.
Third. The states forming the Union consider the priority of human rights to be the most important principle in accordance with the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other generally recognized norms of international law. All citizens are guaranteed the opportunity to study and use their native language, unhindered access to information, freedom of religion, and other political, socio-economic, personal rights and freedoms.
Fourth. The states forming the Union see the most important condition for the freedom and well-being of the people and every person in the formation of a civil society. They will strive to meet the needs of people on the basis of free choice of forms of ownership and management methods, the development of the all-Union market, and the implementation of the principles of social justice and security.
Fifth. The states forming the Union have full political power and independently determine their national-state and administrative-territorial structure, system of authorities and management. They can delegate part of their powers to other states - parties to the Treaty, of which they are members.
The parties to the Treaty recognize as a common fundamental principle democracy, based on popular representation and the direct expression of the will of peoples, and strive to create a rule of law state that would serve as a guarantor against any tendencies towards totalitarianism and arbitrariness.
Sixth. The states forming the Union consider one of the most important tasks to be the preservation and development of national traditions, state support for education, healthcare, science and culture. They will promote intensive exchange and mutual enrichment of humanistic spiritual values and achievements of the peoples of the Union and the whole world.
Seventh. The Union of Soviet Sovereign Republics acts in international relations as a sovereign state, a subject of international law - the successor to the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Its main goals in the international arena are lasting peace, disarmament, the elimination of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction, cooperation between states and solidarity of peoples in resolving global problems humanity.
The states forming the Union are full members of the international community. They have the right to establish direct diplomatic, consular relations and trade relations with foreign states, exchange plenipotentiary representations with them, conclude international treaties and participate in the activities of international organizations, without infringing on the interests of each of the union states and their common interests, without violating the international obligations of the Union.
II
STRUCTURE OF THE UNION
Article 1. Membership in the Union
Membership of states in the Union is voluntary. The states that form the Union are members of it directly or as part of other states. This does not infringe on their rights and does not relieve them of their obligations under the Agreement. They all have equal rights and bear equal responsibilities. Relations between states, one of which is part of the other, are regulated by agreements between them, the Constitution of the state of which it is a part, and the Constitution of the USSR. In the RSFSR - by a federal or other treaty, the Constitution of the USSR. The Union is open to the entry into it of other democratic states that recognize the Treaty. The states forming the Union retain the right to freely withdraw from it in the manner established by the parties to the Treaty and enshrined in the Constitution and laws of the Union.
Article 2. Citizenship of the Union
A citizen of a state that is a member of the Union is at the same time a citizen of the Union. Citizens of the USSR have equal rights, freedoms and responsibilities enshrined in the Constitution, laws and international treaties of the Union.
Article 3. Territory of the Union The territory of the Union consists of the territory of all the states that form it. The Parties to the Treaty recognize the boundaries existing between them at the time of signing the Treaty. The borders between the states forming the Union can only be changed by agreement between them, which does not violate the interests of other parties to the Treaty.
Article 4. Relations between the states forming the Union
Relations between the states forming the Union are regulated by this Treaty, the Constitution of the USSR, and treaties and agreements that do not contradict them. The parties to the Treaty build their relationships within the Union on the basis of equality, respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity, non-interference in internal affairs, resolution of disputes by peaceful means, cooperation, mutual assistance, and conscientious fulfillment of obligations under the Union Treaty and inter-republican agreements. The states forming the Union undertake: not to resort to force or the threat of force in relations between themselves; not to encroach on each other’s territorial integrity; not to enter into agreements that contradict the goals of the Union or are directed against the states that form it. The use of troops of the USSR Ministry of Defense within the country is not allowed, except for their participation in solving urgent national economic problems in exceptional cases, in eliminating the consequences of natural and environmental disasters, as well as cases provided for by the legislation on the state of emergency.
Article 5. Scope of jurisdiction of the USSR
The parties to the Treaty vest the USSR with the following powers:
Protection of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Union and its subjects; declaration of war and conclusion of peace; ensuring defense and leadership of the Armed Forces, border, special (government communications, engineering and technical and other), internal, railway troops of the Union; organization of development and production of weapons and military equipment.
Ensuring the state security of the Union; establishing a regime and protecting the state border, economic zone, maritime and air space of the Union; leadership* and coordination of the activities of the security agencies of the republics.
* The proposal of Comrade V. A. Kryuchkov was agreed with the leadership of the republics.
Implementation of the foreign policy of the Union and coordination of the foreign policy activities of the republics; representation of the Union in relations with foreign states and international organizations; conclusion of international treaties of the Union.
Implementation of foreign economic activities of the Union and coordination of foreign economic activities of the republics; representation of the Union in international economic and financial institutions, conclusion of foreign economic agreements of the Union.
Approval and execution of the Union budget, implementation of money issue; storage of gold reserves, diamond and currency funds of the Union; management of space research; air traffic control, all-Union communication and information systems, geodesy and cartography, metrology, standardization, meteorology; nuclear energy management.
Adoption of the Constitution of the Union, introduction of amendments and additions to it; adoption of laws within the powers of the Union and establishment of the foundations of legislation on issues agreed upon with the republics; supreme constitutional control.
Management of the activities of federal law enforcement agencies and coordination of the activities of law enforcement agencies of the Union and the republics in the fight against crime.
Article 6. Sphere of joint jurisdiction of the Union and the republics
The bodies of state power and administration of the Union and the republics jointly exercise the following powers:
Protection of the constitutional system of the Union, based on this Treaty and the Constitution of the USSR; ensuring the rights and freedoms of citizens of the USSR.
Determining the military policy of the Union, implementing measures to organize and ensure defense; establishing a uniform procedure for conscription and military service; establishing a border zone regime; resolving issues related to the activities of troops and the deployment of military facilities on the territory of the republics; organization of mobilization preparation of the national economy; management of defense industry enterprises.
Determining the state security strategy of the Union and ensuring state security of the republics; changing the State Border of the Union with the consent of the relevant party to the Treaty; protection of state secrets; determination of the list of strategic resources and products that are not subject to export outside the Union” general principles and standards in the field of environmental safety; establishment of procedures for the receipt, storage and use of fissile and radioactive materials.
Determining the foreign policy course of the USSR and monitoring its implementation; protection of the rights and interests of citizens of the USSR, the rights and interests of the republics in international relations; establishing the fundamentals of foreign economic activity; concluding agreements on international loans and credits, regulating the external public debt of the Union; unified customs business; protection and rational use of the natural resources of the economic zone and continental shelf of the Union.
Determining the strategy for the socio-economic development of the Union and creating conditions for the formation of an all-Union market; carrying out a unified financial, credit, monetary, tax, insurance and pricing policy based on a common currency; creation and use of gold reserves, diamond and currency funds of the Union; development and implementation of all-Union programs; control over the execution of the Union budget and the agreed money issue; creation of all-Union funds regional development and liquidation of consequences of natural disasters and catastrophes; creation of strategic reserves; maintaining unified all-Union statistics.
Development of a unified policy and balance in the field of fuel and energy resources, management of the country’s energy system, main gas and oil pipelines, all-Union railway, air and sea transport; establishing the fundamentals of nature management and environmental protection, veterinary medicine, epizootics and plant quarantine; coordination of actions in the field of water management and resources of inter-republican significance.
Determining the fundamentals of social policy on issues of employment, migration, working conditions, payment and protection, social security and insurance, public education, healthcare, physical culture and sports; establishing the basis for pension provision and maintaining other social guarantees - including when citizens move from one republic to another; establishing a unified procedure for indexing income and a guaranteed subsistence minimum.
Organization of fundamental scientific research and stimulation of scientific and technological progress, establishment of general principles and criteria for the training and certification of scientific and teaching personnel; determination of the general procedure for the use of therapeutic agents and techniques; promoting the development and mutual enrichment of national cultures; preserving the original habitat of small peoples, creating conditions for their economic and cultural development.
Monitoring compliance with the Constitution and laws of the Union, Presidential decrees, decisions made within the Union’s competence; creation of an all-Union forensic accounting and information system; organizing the fight against crimes committed on the territory of several republics; determination of a unified regime for the organization of correctional institutions.
Article 7. The procedure for exercising the powers of state bodies of the Union and joint powers of state bodies of the Union and the republics
Issues within the joint competence are resolved by the authorities and management of the Union and its constituent states through coordination, special agreements, adoption of the fundamental legislation of the Union and the republics and the corresponding republican laws. Issues falling within the competence of the Union bodies are resolved by them directly.
Powers that are not directly referred by Articles 5 and 6 to the exclusive jurisdiction of the bodies of power and administration of the Union or to the sphere of joint competence of the bodies of the Union and the republics remain under the jurisdiction of the republics and are exercised by them independently or on the basis of bilateral and multilateral agreements between them. After signing the Treaty, a corresponding change in the powers of the governing bodies of the Union and the republics is made.
The parties to the Treaty proceed from the fact that as the all-Union market develops, the sphere of direct government controlled economics. The necessary redistribution or change in the scope of powers of governing bodies will be carried out with the consent of the states forming the Union.
Disputes regarding the exercise of powers of Union bodies or the exercise of rights and performance of duties in the field of joint powers of bodies of the Union and the republics are resolved through conciliation procedures. If agreement is not reached, disputes are submitted to the Constitutional Court of the Union.
The states forming the Union participate in the implementation of the powers of the union bodies through the joint formation of the latter, as well as special procedures for the approval of decisions and their implementation,
Each republic may, by concluding an agreement with the Union, additionally delegate to it the exercise of certain of its powers, and the Union, with the consent of all republics, delegate to one or more of them the exercise of certain of its powers on their territory.
Article 8. Property The Union and the states that form it ensure free development, protection of all forms of property and create conditions for the functioning of enterprises and economic organizations within the framework of a single all-Union market. Land, its subsoil, water, other natural resources, plant and animal world are the property of the republics and the inalienable property of their peoples. The procedure for owning, using and disposing of them (ownership rights) is established by the legislation of the republics. Ownership rights to resources located on the territory of several republics are established by the legislation of the Union. The states forming the Union assign to it the objects of state property necessary for the exercise of powers vested in the Union bodies of power and administration. Property owned by the Union is used in the common interests of its constituent states, including in the interests of accelerated development of lagging regions. The states forming the Union have the right to their share in the gold reserves, diamond and currency funds of the Union available at the time of the conclusion of this Treaty. Their participation in the further accumulation and use of treasures is determined by special agreements.
Article 9. Union taxes and fees
To finance the Union budget expenses related to the implementation of the powers delegated to the Union, unified Union taxes and fees are established at fixed interest rates, determined in agreement with the republics, based on the items of expenditure submitted by the Union. Control over expenditures of the Union budget is carried out by the parties to the Treaty. All-Union programs are financed through shared contributions from the interested republics and the Union budget. The volume and purpose of all-Union programs are regulated by agreements between the Union and the republics, taking into account the indicators of their socio-economic development.
Article 10. Constitution of the Union
The Constitution of the Union is based on this Treaty and must not contradict it.
Article 11. Laws
The laws of the Union, the Constitution and the laws of the states that form it must not contradict the provisions of this Treaty. The laws of the Union on matters of its jurisdiction have supremacy and are binding on the territory of the republics. The laws of the republic have supremacy on its territory in all matters, with the exception of those within the jurisdiction of the Union. The Republic has the right to suspend the operation of a Union law on its territory and protest it if it violates this Treaty, contradicts the Constitution or the laws of the Republic adopted within the limits of its authority. The Union has the right to protest and suspend the operation of the law of the republic if it violates this Treaty, contradicts the Constitution or the laws of the Union adopted within the scope of its powers. Disputes are referred to the Constitutional Court of the Union, which makes a final decision within one month.
III
BODIES OF THE UNION
Article 12. Formation of bodies of the Union
Union bodies of power and administration are formed on the basis of the free expression of the will of the peoples and governments of the states forming the Union. They act in strict accordance with the provisions of this Treaty and the Constitution of the Union.
Article 13. Supreme Council of the USSR
The legislative power of the Union is exercised by the Supreme Council of the USSR, consisting of two chambers: the Council of Republics and the Council of the Union.
The Council of the Republics consists of representatives of the republics, delegated by their highest authorities. The republics and national-territorial entities in the Council of Republics retain no less number of deputy seats than they had in the Council of Nationalities of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR at the time of signing the Treaty.
All deputies of this chamber from the republic directly included in the Union have one common vote when deciding issues. The procedure for electing representatives and their quotas are determined in a special agreement of the republics and the electoral law of the USSR.
The Council of the Union is elected by the population of the entire country in electoral districts with an equal number of voters. At the same time, representation in the Council of the Union of all republics participating in the Treaty is guaranteed.
The Chambers of the Supreme Soviet of the Union jointly introduce changes to the Constitution of the USSR; admit new states to the USSR; determine the foundations of the Union’s domestic and foreign policy; approve the Union budget and the report on its execution; declare war and make peace; approve changes to the boundaries of the Union. ,.
The Council of the Republics adopts laws on the organization and procedure for the activities of union bodies; considers issues of relations between the republics; ratifies international treaties of the USSR; gives consent to the appointment of the Cabinet of Ministers of the USSR.
The Council of the Union considers issues of ensuring the rights and freedoms of citizens of the USSR and adopts laws on all issues except those that fall within the competence of the Council of Republics.
Laws adopted by the Council of the Union come into force after approval by the Council of the Republics.
Article 14. President of the Union of Soviet Sovereign Republics
The President of the Union is the head of the union state, possessing the highest executive and administrative power. The President of the Union acts as a guarantor of compliance with the Union Treaty, the Constitution and the laws of the Union; is the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Union; represents the Union in relations with foreign countries; exercises control over the implementation of the Union’s international obligations. The President is elected by the citizens of the Union on the basis of universal, equal and direct voting rights by secret ballot for a period of 5 years and no more than two consecutive terms. A candidate who receives more than half of the votes cast in the Union as a whole and in the majority of its constituent states is considered elected.
Article 15. Vice-President of the USSR
The Vice-President of the USSR is elected together with the President of the USSR. The Vice-President of the Union performs, under the authority of the President of the Union, his individual functions and replaces the President of the USSR in the event of his absence and impossibility of fulfilling his duties.
Article 16. Cabinet of Ministers of the USSR
The Cabinet of Ministers of the Union is the executive body of the Union, subordinate to the President of the Union and responsible to the Supreme Council. The Cabinet of Ministers is formed by the President of the Union in agreement with the Council of Republics of the Supreme Council of the Union. The heads of government of the republics participate in the work of the Cabinet of Ministers of the Union with the right of a decisive vote.
Article 17. Constitutional Court of the USSR
The Constitutional Court of the USSR is formed on an equal basis by the President of the USSR and each of the chambers of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. The Constitutional Court of the Union considers issues of compliance of legislative acts of the Union and the republics, decrees of the President of the Union and presidents of the republics, normative acts of the Cabinet of Ministers of the Union with the Union Treaty and the Constitution of the Union, and also resolves disputes between the Union and the republics, between the republics.
Article 18. Standing (federal) courts
Union (federal) courts - the Supreme Court of the Union of Soviet Sovereign Republics, the Supreme Arbitration Court of the Union, courts in the Armed Forces of the Union, the Supreme Court of the Union and the Supreme Arbitration Court of the Union exercise judicial power within the powers of the Union. The chairmen of the highest judicial and arbitration bodies of the republics are ex officio members of the Supreme Court of the Union and the Supreme Arbitration Court of the Union, respectively.
Article 19. Prosecutor's Office of the USSR
Supervision over the implementation of legislative acts of the Union is carried out by the Prosecutor General of the Union, the Prosecutors General (Prosecutors) of the republics and the prosecutors subordinate to them. The Prosecutor General of the Union is appointed by the Supreme Council of the Union and is accountable to it. Prosecutors general (prosecutors) of the republics are appointed by their highest legislative bodies and are ex-officio members of the board of the Union Prosecutor's Office. In their activities to supervise the implementation of Union laws, they are accountable both to the highest legislative bodies of their states and To the Prosecutor General Union.
IV
FINAL PROVISIONS
Article 20. Language of interethnic communication in the USSR
Republics independently determine their state language(s). The parties to the Treaty recognize the Russian language as the language of interethnic communication in the USSR.
Article 21. Capital of the Union
The capital of the USSR is the city of Moscow.
Article 22. State symbols of the Union
The USSR has a state coat of arms, flag and anthem.
Article 23. Entry into force of the Treaty
This Agreement is approved by the highest bodies of state power of the states forming the Union, and comes into force from the moment of signing by their authorized delegations. For the states that signed it, from the same date the Treaty on the Formation of the USSR of 1922 is considered to have lost force. With the entry into force of the Treaty, most favored nation treatment applies to the states that have signed it. Relations between the Union of Soviet Sovereign Republics and the republics that are part of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, but have not signed this Treaty, are subject to regulation on the basis of the legislation of the USSR, mutual obligations and agreements.
Article 24. Liability under the Agreement
The Union and the states that form it are mutually responsible for the fulfillment of their obligations and compensate for damage caused by violations of this Treaty.
Article 25. Procedure for amending and supplementing the Agreement
This Treaty or its individual provisions may be cancelled, amended or supplemented only with the consent of all states forming the Union. If necessary, by agreement between the states that have signed the Treaty, annexes to it may be adopted.
Article 26. Continuity of the highest bodies of the Union
In order to ensure the continuity of the exercise of state power and administration, the highest legislative, executive and judicial bodies of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics retain their powers until the formation of the highest state bodies of the Union of Soviet Sovereign Republics in accordance with this Treaty and the new Constitution of the USSR.
